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ANGLO-SAXON AND NORSE POEMS
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ANGLO-SAXON AND NORSE POEMS
EDITED AND TRANSLATED
BY
N. KERSHAW
CAMBRIDGE
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1922
I ^ <A^
m
TO THE MEMORY OF
ALEXANDER LAWSON, D.D.
Professor of English in the University of St Andrews
PREFACE
IT is generally agreed that the first six pieces included in this book are among the most interesting examples of Anglo-Saxon poetry which have come down to us; yet with one or two exceptions they have received comparatively little attention from English scholars. The Norse pieces which follow, are still less known in this country. They have all been translated into English before — one of them {the Darra^arlj 6^) as far back as 1768; but most of these translations are in verse. Prose translations and commentaries are few in number, and are now practically inaccessible to the majority of students.
Almost all the poems, both English and Norse, may be, and frequently are, described as 'lyrics,' though this de- scription is not strictly appropriate to their metrical form, except perhaps in the case of parts of Nos. VII, IX, and X. The general resemblance between the poems on the battle of Brunanburh (No. VI) and the battle of Hafsfjord (No. VIII) is obvious. But on the whole the reader will probably be struck by the absence of resemblance between the two sets of poems. It is a singular fact that the first five pieces contain no proper names, whereas an Index Nominum for the Norse poems would make a considerable list. And this is not due to any arbitrary method of selection. Poems of the abstract character seen in Nos. I — V are not to be found in early Norse literature, while no true Anglo-Saxon parallels are to be found for Nos. IX — XII. This is due in part, no doubt, to the difference of faith, for most of the Norse poems date from heathen times. But another and perhaps more important reason lies in the fact that the Norse poems are concerned with specific events, whereas the subjects of the Anglo-Saxon poems are detached from any such associations.
The last piece (No. XIII) is of a somewhat different cha- racter from the rest. It belongs to the same category as the heroic poems of the Edda, especially the Atlakvi(Sa, and is
viii PREFACE
related more distantly to the Anglo-Saxon fragments which deal with the stories of Finn and Waldhere. My reason for including it in this collection is that it is not contained in any of the editions of the Edda. I think that it will appeal to students of heroic poetry.
My thanks are due to the Rev, Canon McLaren, Librarian of the Cathedral Library at Exeter, for the trouble which he has taken on several occasions in allowing me to consult the MS. of the Exeter Book, and to both him and Mrs McLaren for much kindness which I have received from them while in Exeter ; to Sir Geoffrey Butler, Librarian of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, for the facilities which he has afforded me for consulting the Parker MS. of the Saxon Chronicle and other Mss. ; to Mr E. J. Thomas of Emmanuel College and of the University Library, Cambridge, and to Miss C. H. Wedg- wood of Newnham College, Cambridge, who have kindly read the proofs for me and made many helpful suggestions. I wish further to thank the Syndics of the University Press for undertaking the publication of the book, and the staffs of the University Press and of the University Library for their unfailing courtesy while the work was in progress. Above all I have to thank Professor Chadwick who has unreservedly placed the results of his own labours at my disposal, both in the translation and in the commentary, and to whom I am heavily indebted for criticism and help throughout the work.
N. K.
February, 1922.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
|
PART I. ANGLO SAXON POEMS |
|
|
Introduction: The Manuscript Sources |
3 |
|
of Early Norse and English Poetry |
xi |
|
I The Wanderer .... |
1 |
|
II The Seafarer .... |
16 |
|
Ill The Wife's Complaint . |
28 |
|
IV The Husband's Message |
37 |
|
V The Ruin |
51 |
|
YI The Battle of Brunanburh . |
59 |
|
PART II. NORSE POEMS |
|
|
Note on Norse Manuscripts . |
72 |
|
VII The Hrafnsmdl .... |
76 |
|
VIII The Battle of HafsQord |
88 |
|
IX TheEiriksmal .... |
93 |
|
X The Hakonarmal .... |
101 |
|
XI The Darra?5arlj6S .... |
111 |
|
XII The Sonatorrek .... |
126 |
|
XIII The Battle of the Goths and Huns |
142 |
ABBREVIATIONS
Vigfusson, Diet. — An Icelandic-English Dictionary, by R. Cleasby and G. Vigfusson. Oxford, 1874.
Fritzner, Diet. — Ordbog over det gamle norske Sprog. Christiania, 1886—1896.
F. Jonsson, Diet. — Revised edition of Sveinbjom Egilsson's Lexicon Poeticum Antiqiiae Linguae Septentrionalis. Copenhagen, 1916.
B. and T., Diet. — Bosworth and Toller, Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Oxford, 1882—1898.
B. and T., Suppl.— Supplement to the above, by J. N. Toller, Parts I— III. Oxford, 1908—1921.
Saxo, Dan. Hist. — Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum, ed. Holder, Strassburg, 1886. In Books I — IX the references are to the pages of O. Elton's translation. London, 1894.
INTRODUCTION
THE MANUSCRIPT SOURCES OF EARLY NORSE AND ENGLISH POETRY
The history of the texts contained in this volume presents some curious contrasts. The Norse pieces were composed at various times between the ninth and eleventh centuries, but they were probably not committed to writing before the thirteenth century — or at earliest before the last decades of the twelfth — when they were incorporated in prose works. During the next two hundred years these works appear to have been frequently copied. Then came a period during which the early literature fell into neglect everywhere. The revival of interest began in Scandinavian lands about 1630, and the Mss. which survived — chiefly in Iceland — were eagerly sought and copied. Unfortunately the largest collection of MSS., belonging to the University Library at Copenhagen, was almost entirely destroyed by fire in 1728. So many copies however had been made during the previous century that as a general rule there is little doubt as to the readings of the lost MSS.
The history of the English texts contained in this volume presents a curious contrast to that of the Norse (cf. p. 72 ff. below). Anglo-Saxon literature was apparently forgotten almost everyAvhere by the middle of the twelfth century, a time when ^\Titten Norse literature was still in its infancy. Its rediscovery took place in the sixteenth century, about a hundred years earlier than the revival of Norse literature. But only a comparatively small amount of Anglo-Saxon poetry was preserved in prose works, and of the purely poetical texts few were copied or published before the beginning of the nineteenth century — the chief exception being Junius's Bib- lical poems in 1655. Four MS. volumes, one of which is in Italy, contain nearly all that is left of Anglo-Saxon poetry.
xii MANUSCRIPT SOURCES
The first five of the pieces given below are taken from the Codex Exoniensis, the fullest and most important of the surviving mss. This book was presented to the Library of Exeter Cathedral by Bishop Leofric, who held the see between the years 1050 and 1072, and it is still preserved there. A list of the bishop's donations to the Cathedral and the Library was drawn up about the same time, and a copy of this, in a hand almost contemporary with that of the Exeter Book, has been bound in the same volume, along with some late charters and documents referring to the Cathedral. This list is printed in an Appendix on p. 206 f. below, and in it will be found a notice of a mycel Englisc hoc which no doubt refers to our MS. The Codex ^ is a fine vellum, beautifully written in a clear large hand, though the little decoration which it contains is cruder It is generally believed to date from about three- quarters of a century before Leofric's time^ Much of the concluding part of the book has been rendered illegible by some object, possibly a piece of burning wood, having been dropped on the last leaves and allowed to smoulder there for some time. This accounts for the lacunae in the Husband's Message and the Ruin.
The earliest known copy of the Exeter Pook is a facsimile which was made by one R. Chambers for the British Museum in 1831 (mss. Add. 9067). Apparently it was then possible to read rather more of the MS. than is now legible, and the copy has proved to be of some use — though rather as a check upon proposed restorations of mutilated passages than as a means of supplying lacunae \
Few close parallels to the five pieces from this Codex can be found in Anglo-Saxon literature. Analogies may be looked for in certain passages in Beowulf, and in the latter part of Hymn IV (Grein, Bihl. ii, p. 217). But most of the poetry which has come down to us is essentially religious in character.
1 For details of the Exeter Book and its contents see Wiilcker, Grundriss zur Geschichte der angeUdchsischen Litteratur (Leipzig, 1885), p. 218 ff.
- Cf. p. 37 below.
3 Cf., however, A. S. Cook, The Christ of Cyneividf {Boston, 1909), p. xvi.
•• For some account of Chambers's copy cf. Tupper, TIte Eiddles of the Exeter Book (Boston, etc., 1910), p. xcvii f. ; Anscombe, Aiujlia, xxxiv, p. 526 ; Chambers, Anglia, xxxv, p. 393 f. ; and Tupper, Anglia, sxxvi, p. 285 f.
MANUSCRIPT SOURCES xiii
Yet it is difficult to see how such poems as these with which we are dealing could have come into existence unless there was a considerable body of secular poetry current at the time when they were composed. The explanation is doubtless to be found in the facts pointed out above. It is probable that no English libraries survived the period of the Norman Conquest, except those which belonged to religious houses ; and in these, naturally enough, secular poems would be far less popular than religious works.
From what has been said it will be clear that the diffi- culties encountered in editing Norse and Anglo-Saxon poems are of a somewhat different character. In the latter case the editor has seldom to deal with more than one MS. When this has been damaged or erroneously copied his only re- sources are analogy or conjecture ; otherwise his problems will be merely those of interpretation. On the other hand the editor of a Norse poem, especially poems quoted in the early histories of Norway, will probably have to consider a number of MSS. which may present several different readings in the same passage, all giving at least an intelligible sensed Very often he will have to study somewhat complicated problems of literary history before he can judge Avith safety betweenVlbe claims of the various texts.
The orthography of the Anglo-Saxon poems presents no difficulties. Apart from the expansion of a few contractions, and except in cases where emendation is required, it is customary to print the texts as contained in the MSS., and I have not departed from the usual practice. In the Battle of Brunanhurh I have followed the text of the earliest MS. except in a few cases where it is obviously wrong.
1 This is doubtless the reason why editors of Norse texts are in general in the habit of treating their ms. authorities with far greater freedom than would be allowed in the case of Anglo-Saxon texts. The Honatorrek in jiarticular haR beoi emended in most editions to such an extent that it has almost become a new poem. It is especially to be regretted that the editors do not systematically record the readings of at least the more important mss. For the puiposes of a book like this, which is concerned rather with inter- pretation than with textual criticism, and which contains poems from many flifferent sagas, one is necessarily dependent on editions of the sagas and of individual mss.; and it is unfortunate tbat the actual readings of the iiss. are sometimes to be ascertained only with great difiieulty if at all. There appear to have been many errors of transcription also, even in recent editions.
xiv MANUSCRIPT SOURCES
With Norse poems on the other hand the editor's course is by no means so clear, owing to the large number of MSS. involved. There is a considerable amount of variation in the orthography^ — both between one MS. and another, and in the individual MSS. themselves — a variation which is due in part to the preservation here and there of archaic forms. Normal- isation in some form or other is almost universally adopted by editors, and the usual practice is to normalise in favour of the more archaic forms ^ This practice frequently has the advantage of preserving the metre, but at the same time it involves the editor in many difficulties^ No texts, except a few inscriptions, have come down to us from the times of Hornklofi or Egill, and the language of these poets is in reality irrecoverable. The result of the normalising process is too often, I fear, a cento of forms belonging to various periods. The Norse texts however have certain advantages over the Anglo-Saxon texts, owing to the fact that something is generally known, both of the poets themselves, and of the historical works in which the poems are incorporated* — sometimes indeed even of the scribes, in both the earlier and later periods. The chief advantage however is that the his- torians themselves often draw from the poems which they quote, and thus furnish a guide to the meaning of difficult passages.
1 E.g. in the represeutation of the sound arising from a by labialisation. In this book o is used in accordance with later Icelandic usage. German editions generally use q.
^ E.g. in the use of es, 's for er— the relative particle, and 3 sing. pres. indie, oivera (vesa).
^ In accordance with general custom I have printed sds where the mss. have .sjd er. But is this substitution really justifiable?
^ This is of course true also in the case of No. VI below, though the author is unknown.
I. THE WANDERER
This poem is preserved only in the Exeter Book (fol. 76 f.), where it is preceded by Juliana and followed by the Bi Manna Crseftum. Like most Anglo-Saxon poems it is anonymous, and, like the four following pieces, it is generally described either as lyric or as elegiac. The metre, however, is the ordinary quadruple-stressed alliterative verse, which probably had its origin in narrative poetry, but which has practically ousted all other forms of verse in Anglo-Saxon literature. There is no trace of any division into strophes or stanzas; the relation- ship of the verse to the sentence is, as usual, the same as in the epic. These remarks also apply to the pieces which follow.
No title is assigned to the poem in the MS., but since the time of Thorpe it has been generally known as The Wanderer. This title is not a particularly happy one. It does not apply at all to the latter part of the poem, and even in the first part it would have been possible to choose a more appropriate term for the person whose position is described.
The poem falls into two main sections, of which only the first deals with a 'wanderer ' — or rather a homeless man of the upper class who has lost his lord. The second main section consists of reflections upon a ruin. The connection between the two parts — and indeed the sequence of thought through- out the poem — is not very clear. The general theme however is the transitoriness of prosperity, tempered by the reflection, which is introduced both at the beginning and the end, that relief from misery may be expected from God's mercy.
In the opening lines the poet reflects that those whose lot it is to traverse the wintry sea in solitude and sorrow look for the mercy of God, In 1. 6 we are introduced to a homeless man who has lost all his friends in war. In his speech (1. 8 ff.) he bewails the cruel fate which he has to bear in silence and solitude. Such has been his lot ever since, long ago, he lost the prince whom he had served, and set out over the sea in the
K. 1
2 THE WANDERER
hope of finding some lord who would befriend him. At 1. 29 begins a series of reflections on the hardships and bitterness of his situation. A vivid picture is drawn of the memories and visions of past friends which haunt him in his dreams. From this the poet passes in 1. 58 to general considerations on the transitoriness and misery of human life, and so leads up to a series of maxims on conduct expressed in gnomic form. The last maxim consists of an injunction to the wise to remember that nothing is permanent, and this idea suggests to the poet's mind the picture (1. 75 f.) of a ruined castle, the owners of which have all perished. In 11, 92 — 110 we have the speech of an imaginary person surveying such a ruin — apparently a stone building of the Roman period. The second speech ends with further reflections on the transitoriness of earthly things (11. 106 — 110). Again the poet passes, though very briefl}^ (1. 112 ff.), to general maxims on the conduct of life, and concludes (11, 1 14, 115), as he began, with the observa- tion that relief from troubles is only to be obtained by God's mercy.
It will be seen that two speeches are contained in the poem. The first begins at 1. 8 ; the second begins at 1. 92 and ends at 1, 110. The point at which the first speech ends is not clear, and it is a remarkable fact that no inverted commas have been ventured for the end of this speech in the editions of Grain, Wulcker, Sweet and Sieper, although they are used at 11. 8, 92, 110. The choice seems to lie between 11. 29, 62, and 87.
The vocabulary of the poem is somewhat unusual and presents a considerable number of aira^ Xeyofieva, e.g. modcearig, gliw- stasf, cwidegiedd, geondpencan, hrsedwyrde, feohgifre, hiwawne, hry&ge, dreorighleor, wealsteal, hri&, hssglfare, gesteal. On the other hand the poem contains many of the stock ideas of Anglo-Saxon poetry. The hour before dawn is conventionally chosen as the time when discomfort or grief is most acutely felt (cf. th-e Wife's Complaint, 1. 35); the hospitable and generous goldwine, the wintry sea, the crumbling ruin, the transitoriness of earth and all that it holds — all these things are to be found mentioned or described in precisely similar phrases elsewhere in Anglo-Saxon poetry, while the diction
THE WANDERER 3
and phrasing find many echoes^ in the Blickling Homilies and WuHstan's sermons.
Christian ideas are not very prominent on the whole, though they are obvious in 11. 1 f., 85, 114 f. The use of 'this' in connection with words denoting 'world' (e.g. 11. 58, 62, 75) points in the same direction, and so too, probably, do the expressions woruldnce and eorpan rice (11. 65, 106). Many scholars also believe that the list in 1. 80 fi'. and the rhetorical questions in 1. 92 IF. are derived from Latin works of a religious character-. It is in the last ten lines (106 — 115), however, that Christian influence is most prominent. Yet even here 1. 108 presents an interesting parallel to the heathen Hdvamdl, and
I. 107 contains a reference to the Fates — an idea clearly derived from heathen mythology. Other references to Fate (in the singular), more or less personified, occur in 11. 5, 15, 100. The poem therefore shows a curious confusion of Christian and heathen ideas, somewhat similar to what is found in Beowulf.
The same confusion may be traced in the references to ethical principles. The conclusion of the poem is definitely Christian, but elsewhere the virtues inculcated are rather those which appear to have been specially emphasised by the public opinion of the Teutonic aristocracy in heathen times, such as fortitude under hardships, generosity, bravery, prudence. Here again the outlook is similar to that oi' Beotuulf.
Gnomic utterances are much in evidence — especially in
II. 11—18, 62—72, 106 tf.— another feature which this poem has in common with Beowulf, as well as with pieces in which such utterances form the main theme. In this category we may perhaps include the Bi Manna Wyrdum, which resembles the latter part of the Wanderer in several features, partly owing to the similarity of the theme. The most striking parallel occurs in 1. 80 ff. of the Wanderer where, in addition to resemblance in subject-matter, the same formula is employed as in the former poem.
Parallels may also be traced between the Wanderer and the
1 Instances are cited in the notes below. ^ See the notes to these passages.
1—2
4 THE WANDERER
Seafarer : (1) in the description of the winter storm, S. 1. 31 f. ; W. 1. 102 f. (2) in references to the past splendour of the world, S. 1. 86 f . ; W. 1. 79 f. (3) in the poetical device of emphasising the misery of a seafaring life by contrasting it with a life of luxury on land, 8. 11. 20 f , 44 f ; W. 1. 32 f (4) in the curiously recurring lines S. 12, 55 (cf. 27); W. 11. 29, 87. All these features may however be accounted for by similarity ■)f subject and a common poetic convention. A closer and deeper analogy to the first scene in the Wanderer is to be
^ found in Beowulf (11. 2233—2270), in the episode of the last survivor of a generation and a chivalry that has passed away. Another parallel in the latter poem is presented by the scene
"^ of the bereaved father (11. 2444 — 2459), which also bears a resemblance to a passage in the Bi Manna Wyrdum (11. 33—42).
The second scene in the Wanderer has much in common with the Ruin, though this again is due largely to the nature of the subject. As instances we may cite^ W. 1. 87 eald enta geweoix ; R.l. 2 enta geweorc. W. 1. 88 J^isne wealsteal ; R. 1. 1 Jj^es wealstan, 1. 21 hurgsteall. W. 1. 98 weal. . .wyrmlicum fall] R. 1. 9f. wag . . .readfah — and the following passages :
W. 1. 77 f. R. 1. 20 f.
hry^ge )ja ederas, woriaS jja wurdon hyra wigsteal westen-
winsalo ; sta))olas, brosnade burgsteall.
W. 1. 78 f. R. 1. 6 f. waldend licga'S dreame bidro- eortgrap hafa'S waldend wyrhtan
rene ; forweorone geleorone.
TT. 1.79f. i?. 1. 21f.
duguiJ eal gecrong wlonc bi betend crungon, hergas to hru-
wealle ; san.
W. 1. 100 ' R. 1. 17
Wyrd seo msere ; Wyrd seo swijie.
The resemblances pointed out above between the Wandei^er and Beowidf favour the view that the former was composed during the earlier part of the Saxon period. Indeed this is commonly held to be the case with all the poems which we have been discussing-. We have no reason to suppose that
1 Cf. Sieper, Die altenglische Elegie (Strassburg, 1915), p. 198.
^ Schiicking however refers {Kleines angelsachsisches Dicliterhuch, Cothen, 1919) nearly all these poems to the tenth century ; but he holds that even Beowulf is not earlier than the close of the ninth.
THE WANDERER 5
the Wimderer is one of the eai'liest of these poems. The evidence as to date is indeed hirgely inferential, and not very satisfactory. Like the rest of the poems in the Exeter Book it has conie down to us in the form of hxnguage generally used in poetical MSS. dating from the end of the tenth century, i.e. what is known as Late West Saxon, with a certain number of forms which belong to an earlier period and a different part of the country. The most trustworthy linguistic criterion which has yet been found for determining the date of Anglo- Saxon poems is the use of the article — especially its presence or absence before a 'weak' adj. in combination with the noun. In the Wanderer the article (or demonstrative pronoun) is always found in this position — which is against the usage of the earliest poems'. But the number of cases (four in all) is so small that this criterion can hardly be said to afford any very decisive indication as to date I
It has been frequently suggested that the poem as we have it is of composite origin. Some scholars believe that the Christian passages at the beginning and the end are later additions, others that the original poem ended at I. 62. Into such questions I cannot enter here ; it is obvious, however, that anonymous poems of this character would admit of such extension as is suggested, and the apparent want of coherence in the poem lends some colour to the idea. Again the incon- sistencies pointed out above in regard to religious conceptions and ethical standards bear witness no doubt to a change of faith. But it does not necessarily follow that the poem was originally composed before the conversion of the English. The fact that the Christian ideas are more prominent towards the end of the poem may indeed point to a change of environment, but this might just as well be local as chronological. From the seventh century onwards the popularity of references to
1 In Cynewulf's poems, which are generally assigned to the ninth century, and perhaps to the earlier half of it, the article occurs in this construction in about eight out of nine cases.
'^ Kichter (Chronohxji-'fche Studien znr angelsachsischen Literatur, Halle, 1910, p. !)f;) dates it at c. 750-800. Brandl {Geschichte der altenglisclwn Literatur, Strassburg, 1908, p. 878) on the other hand brings it down to about the time of Alfred, and suggests that the disasters of 8(J7-870 may be reflected in 1. 75 S. But this explauation will hardly suit the required con- ditions in either the first or the second part of the poem.
6 THE WANDERER
God or Fate, to Christian principles or the old military and aristocratic ideals, would doubtless vary in different courts and households, to say nothing of the religious houses. Indeed in some respects the old ideals maintained their strength nearly to the end of the Saxon period.
But after all it is a question of minor importance whether the poem originated in the seventh, eighth, or ninth century. The really interesting question is how such a peculiar type of composition came into existence ; and this question affects not only the Waiiderer but also the four following pieces (pp. 16 — 57). If we seek for a common definition applicable to these five poems, we may perhaps describe them as (somewhat elaborate) studies of situation or emotion applied to imaginary and nameless persons who are detached from any definite associations of time or place. The same description holds good for the two passages in Beowulf cited above — those relating to the ' last survivor ' and the ' bereaved father ' respectively — as well as for other passages in the same poem, e.g. the account of the 'arrogant man' in 11. 1728 — 1757. Similar studies are not uncommon in modern literature, but the characters, though imaginary, are not as a rule nameless. On the other hand in early Norse poetry, as in Greek tragedy ^ the usual practice was to choose for such studies scenes frotn heroic stories^ — i.e. the subjects are characters of the past, not fictions of the poet's imagination. Instances may be found among the poems of the Edda, e.g. the ' Lamentation of Guthriin ' (Gud'rilnarkvid'a I) or 'Brynhildr's Ride to Hell (Helreid' Brynhildar). The relationship of such studies to the Anglo-Saxon type may be appreciated by comparing the first of these poems with Tennyson's poem on the same theme. The simplification shown by the latter is probably required by this type, and would doubtless have appeared in an Anglo-Saxon poem on the subject — which however would
1 Instances are not uncommon in the Old Testament also, e.g. the elegy of David over Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. i. 19 ff.), unless this is really a contemporary poem.
' It was apparently not until the twelfth century that stories other than heroic were used for this purpose (e.g. Hjdlmarr's Death Song in Orvar- Odds Saga).
THE WANDERER 7
have opened with some such conventional ])hrase as e.g. 'Sorrowful is the heart of a wife when her warrior is brought home dead,' or ' I can tell how my warrior was brought home dead.'
The fondness for this nameless, timeless type of poetry is probably to be connected with the popularity of riddle poetry, and with the absence of any poetry which can properly be regarded as historical. Anglo-Saxon poetry contains hardly any reference to historical persons and events between the end of the Heroic Age and the time of Aethelstan — a period of over three centuries and a half. Stories of saints, such as St Guthlac, are almost the only exceptions, and in these the historical element is reduced to a minimum.
It would seem that what appealed most to the poets of that period was a description of situations or emotions which were free from personal associations. And the majority of readers will probably agree that it is in such descriptions — both in our poems and in the passages from Beowulf cited above — that Anglo-Saxon poetry appears at its best, whereas the weak point lies in construction — in want of coherence between the different parts of the poem. It strikes us as rather strange that so abstract a type of poetry should have prevailed in an age which we are accustomed to regard as barbarous. But the fact must be borne in mind that we have evidence, e.g. in the stories of Caedmon^ and St Aldhelm-, for an unusually wide cultivation of poetry, at least in the earlier part of this period' — apparently among all classes ; and it may be that the intellectual standard of the age was higher than is generally recognised.
1 Cf. Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv, 24.
2 Cf. William of Malmesbury, Ge,s«a Pontif. (Rolls Series) v, § 190.
3 In later times we may refer e.g. to the songs sung at funerals which Aelfric condemned. Cf. Canons of yElfric, cap. 35 (ed. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, 1840, Vol. i, p. 356 f.).
THE WANDERER
Oft him anhaga are gebideS,
metudes miltse, peah pe he modcearig
geond lagulade longe sceolde
hreran mid hondum hrimcealde see, V*v--fc&^./ 5 wadan wrseclastas. Wyrd biS ful araed !
Swa cwaeS eardstapa earfej^a gemyndig,
wraj^ra wselsleahta, winemsega hryre : i
' Oft ic sceolde ana iihtna gehwylce
mine ceare cwij)an. Nis nu cwicra nan lo J7e ic him modsefan minne durre
sweotule asecgan. Ic toso]?e wat
pset bi]? in eorle indryhten )jeaw ,
J?8et he his ferSlocan fseste binde, V I healde^ his hordcofan, hycge swa he wille.
1 5 Ne mseg werigmod Wyrde wiSstondan,
ne se hreo hyge . helpe gefremman.
For Son domgeorne " "dreorigne oft
in hyra breostcofan bindaS fseste.
Swa ic modsefan minne sceolde 20 oft earmcearig, eSle bidaeled,
freomsegum feor feterum sselan,
si]?|?an geara iu gold wine minne -
hrusan heolster'' biwrah, and ic hean j^onan
wod wintercearig ofer wsepema'^-gehmd, 25 sohte sele dreorig sinces bryttan, \-..
hwEer ic feor oppe neah findan meahte
J?one pe in meoduhealle mm^ mine wisse,
o)>|>e mec freondleaswe" frefran wolde, ^^cj^^. wenian mid wynnum.' Wat se pe cunnaS 3ohu sli|?en bis sorg to geferan
J7am pe him lyt hafaS leofra geholena.
^ em. Thorpe {? healde), healdne ms. - em. Thorpe (mine), mine ms.
3 em. Ettmuller, heolstre ms. * em. Thorpe (cf. 1. 57), wapena ms.
^^ em. Klaeber, om. ms. « em. Thor^Q, freondlease ms.
THE WANDERER
The solitar}^ man is constantly looking for mercy and God's compassion, though over the watery ways with gloomy heart he has long had to stir with his arms the icy sea, treading the paths of exile. Fate is absolutely fixed !
These are the words of a wanderer whose memory was full of troubles and cruel carnage, wherein his dear kinsmen had fallen :
' Ever it has been my lot to bewail my sorrows in solitude in the twilight of each morning. There is now no- one left alive to whom I dare tell frankly the feelings of my heart. I know truly that it is a mark of nobility in a knight that he should fasten securely and keep to himself the treasur}^ in which his thoughts are stored — think what he will ! For all his grief of heart a man cannot resist Fate, nor can his troubled spirit give him any help. And so those who are eager to be of good report generally keep their sorrow imprisoned in the secret chamber of the heart.
' I myself too, in my misery and distress, have constantly had to bind my feelings in fetters — exiled ft'om home and far from my kinsmen — ever since the day when the dark earth closed over my generous lord, and I wandered away over the expanse of waters, destitute and distraught with the dangers of winter, looking in sorrow for the abode of a generous prince — if far or near I could find one who would feel regard for me in his banqueting hall, or comfort me in my fri endlessness and entertain me with good cheer.'
It will be realised by him who experiences it what a cruel companion anxiety is to one who has no kind protector. His
10 THE WANDERER
WaraS hine wrseclast, nales wunden gold,
ferfJloca freorig, nalaes foldan blaed.
Gemon he selesecgas and sinc|?ege, 35I1U hine on geoguSe his gold wine
wenede to wiste. Wyn eal gedreas !
For J?on wat se J?e sceal his winedryhtnes
leofes larcwidum longe forJ?olian ;
Sonne sorg and slsep somod setga^dre 40 earmne anhogan oft gebindaS,
J^inced"^ him on mode )?8et he his mondryhten
clyppe and cysse, and on cneo lecge^
honda and heafod, swa he hwilum ser
in geardagum giefstolas breac. 45 Donne onw^ecneS eft wineleas guma,
gesihS him biforan fealwe wegas,
ba]7ian brimfuglas, braedan fej>ra,
hreosan hrim and snaw hagle gemepged.
Donne beot5 J?y hefigran heortan benne 50 sare sefter swsesne; sorg biS geniwad,
]>onne maga gemynd mod geondhweorfeS.
GreteS gliwstafum, georne geondsceaweS.
Secga geseldan swimmaS eft^ onweg ;
fleotendra ferS no )>8er fela bringeS 55 cuSra cwidegiedda ; cearo biS geniwad
)?am pe sendan sceal swij^e geneahhe
ofer waj?ema gebind werigne sefan.
For ]>on ic ge]?encan ne mseg geond pas woruld
for hwan modsefa min ne^ gesweorce, 60 J;onne ic eorla lif eal geond]?ence —
hu hi farlice flet ofgeafon,
modge magu)?egnas — swa pes middangeard
ealra dogra gehwam dreoseS and fealle]?.
For )>on ne maeg wear]7an wis wer ser he age 65 wintra dsel in woruldrice. Wita sceal gej?yldig,
ne sceal no to hatheort, ne to hrsedwyrde,
ne to wac wiga, ne to wanhydig,
1 em. Thorpe, pinced ms. ^ go Thorpe, etc., ls^ge MS.
3 em. Thorpe C? eft), oft ms. * em. Grain, modsefan minne
THE WANDERER 11
thoughts are full of homeless wanderings — not of gold rings ; of his shivering breast — not of the good things of the earth. He calls to mind the men of the hall and the giving of treasure, and how when he was young he was entertained to his heart's content by his generous lord. But now all his happiness has passed away !
It will be realised, assuredly, by him who will have to forego for all time the instructions of his dear lord and friend. Ever when distress and sleep together lay hold on the poor solitary, he dreams that he is greeting and kissing his liege-lord, and laying his hands and head on his knee — just as he used to do when he enjoyed the bounty of the throne in days of old. Then the friendless man awakes again and sees before him the grey waves — sees the sea-birds bathing and spreading their wings, and rime falling, and snow mingled with hail. The grievous wounds, which the loss of his lord has made in his heart, are all the harder to bear, and his sorrow comes back to him when the memory of his kinsmen passes through his mind. He greets them in glad strains and scans them all eagerly. His warrior comrades again melt away, and as they vanish their spirits bring no familiar greetings to his ear. His sorrow comes back to him as on and on he must urge his aching heart over the expanse of waters.
Assuredly I cannot think of any reason in the world why my spirit should not be clouded, when I reflect upon the whole life of noblemen — how halls have suddenly been left destitute of proud warrior squires — ^just as mankind here droops and perishes day by day.
Assuredly no man can acquire wisdom until he has spent many years in the world. A man of authority must be patient, — not too impetuous, or too hasty of speech, or too slack or reckless in combat, or too timid, or jubilant, or
12 THE WANDERER
ne to forht, ne to fsegen, ne to feohgifre.
ne nsefre gielpes to geom aer he geare cunne. 70 Beorn sceal gebidan, ]7onne he beot spriceS,
op jfset collenferS cunne gearwe
hwider hrejra gehygd hvveorfan wille.
Ongietan sceal gleaw hsele hu gsestlic biS
]>onne eab-e^ j^isse worulde wela weste stondeS, 75 swa nu raissenlice geond ]?isne middangeard
winde biwawne- weallas stonda]?,
hrime bihrorene. HrySge pa, ederas,
woriaS pa, winsalo, waldend licgat5
dreame bidrorene, duguS eal gecrong
80 wlonc bi wealle. Sume wig fornom,
ferede on forSwege ; sumne fugel o)>b3er
ofer heanne hohii ; sumne se hara wulf
deaSe gedselde ; sumne dreorighleor
in eorSscrsefe eorl gehydde. 85 Ypde^ swa |>isne eardgeard selda scyppend,
0]? J?8et burgwara breahtma lease
eald enta geweorc idlu stodon.
Se ponne ]?isne Avealsteal wise ge|?ohte,
and ]7is deorce^ lif deope geond)>enceS, 90 frod in ferSe, feor oft gemon
wselsleahta worn, and ]?as word acwiS :
' Hwaer cwom mearg ? hwger cwom mago ? hwoer cwom ma}7|?umgyfa ?
hwaer cwom symbla gesetu ? hwaer sindon seledreamas?
Eala beorht bune ! eala byrnwiga ! 95 eala ]?eodnes |?rym ! Hu seo prag gewat,
genap under nihthelm, swa heo no waere !
StondeS nu on laste leofre duguj'e
weal wundrum heah, wyrmlicum fah.
Eorlas fornomon asca |>ry]?e, 100 wsepen waelgifru, Wyrd seo maere ;
and pa,s stanhleoJ>u stormas cnyssaS.
HriS hreosende hrusar?^ bindeS,
1 em. Wiilcker, ealle ms. " em. Ettmiiller, biwaune ms.
^ em, Thorpe, yfiife ms. ■* em. Thorpe, deornce ms.
'* em. Thorpe (^ hrusan), hruse ms.
THE WANDERER 13
covetous, or too ready to boast ere he knows full well the issue. When an impetuous warrior is making a vow, he ought to pause until he knows full well the issue — whither the impulse of his heart will lead. A wise man must perceive how mysterious will be the time when the wealth of all this age will lie waste — ;just as now in diverse places through- out this earth walls are standing beaten by the wind and covered with rime. The bulwarks are dismantled, the ban- queting halls are ruinous ; their rulers lie bereft of joy and all their proud chivalry has fallen by the wall. Some have been cut off by battle, borne on their last journey. One was carried by birds over the deep sea; one was given over to death by the grey wolf; one was buried in a hole in the earth by a knight of sad countenance. Thus did the Creator of men lay waste this place of habitation until the clamour of its occupants all ceased, and the buildings raised of old by giants stood empty. He then who in a spirit of medita- tion has pondered over this ruin, and who with an under- standing heart probes the mystery of our life down to its depths, will call to mind many slaughters of long ago and give voice to such words as these :
' What h^ become of the steed ? What has become of the squire ? What has become of the giver of treasure ? What has become of the banqueting houses ? Where are the joys of the hall ? O shining goblet ! O mailed warrior ! O glory of the prince ! How has that time passed away, grown shadowy under the canopy of night as though it had never been ! There remains now of the beloved knights no trace save the wall wondrously high, decorated with serpent forms. The nobles have been carried off by the violence of spears, by weapons greedy for slaughter and by mighty Fate, and these ramparts of stone are battered by tempests. Winter's blast, the driving snow-storm enwraps the earth
14 THE WANDERER
wintres woma, J>onne won cymeS,
nipeS nihtscua, nor]7an onsendeS 105 hreo hseglfare h8ele))um on andan.
Eall is earfotJlic eor]7an rice,
onwendetJ Wyrda gesceaft weoruld under heofonum.
Her bis feoh laene, her biS freond Isene,
her bis mon laene, her biS mseg Isene : 1 10 eal J?is eor]?an gesteal idel weorj^eS ! '
Swa cvvgeS snottor on mode, gesset him sundor set rune.
Til bi]? se j^e his treowe gehealdeS : ne sceal nsefre his torn to rycene
beorn of his breostum acyj^an, nemj^e he ser j^a bote cunne
eorl mid elne gefremman ! Wei biS }?am pe him are seceS, 115 frofre to fseder on heofonum, J^aer us eal seo fsestnung stondet5 !
THE WANDERER 15
when the shades of night eoino darkly lowering, and sends from the North a cruel hail-storm in wrath against mankind.
' All the realm of earth is full of tribulation. The life of mankind in the world is shattered by the handiwork of the Fates. Here wealth and friends, liegemen and kinsfolk pass away. Desolation will hold sway throughout the wide world.'
Thus spake the man wise of understanding as he sat communing with himself in solitude. Good is he who keeps his faith. A warrior must never be too precipitate in giving vent to the grief in his heart, unless he has learnt zealously to apply the remedy. Well will it be for him who seeks mercy and comfort from the Father in Heaven, upon whom all our security rests.
16
II. THE SEAFARER
The Seafarer is preserved on fol. 81 f. of the Exeter Book. Its origin, date, and authorship are unknown. So diverse, both in subject and tone, are the different parts of the poem that the majority of scholars have come to the conclusion that it cannot have been the work of one author^ In its original form it is generally believed to have ended at 1. 64. What follows (from 1. 64 to the end) is thought to have been added at a considerably later time by someone whose religious zeal was greater than his poetic inspiration.
In the part of the poem which is by general consent ascribed to the original author a different kind of problem is presented. There appear at first sight to be inconsistencies between one passage and another, e.g. between 1. 33 ff. and the preceding narrative. On this ground it has been held by many that the first part of the Seafarer was composed as a dialogue. This theory was first suggested in 1869 by Rieger- who assigned the speeches to an old mariner whose mind is full of the hardships of a seafaring life and a young man anxious to go to sea. To the old man he assigned 11. 1 — 33 ; 11. 39—47 ; 11. 53 — 57 ; 11. 72— end. The intervening speeches he assigned to the young man. Kluge, Wtilcker, Brandl, Sieper, etc. have accepted Rieger's suggestion that the poem contains a dialogue, but hold that the dialogue ceases at 1. 64^ and comprises two speeches only, 11. 1 — 33 that of an old mariner, 11. 33 — 64 that of a youth.
1 Cf. Kluge, Englische Studien, 1883, p. 322 ff.; ib., 1885, p. 472 £f. ; Wiilcker, Grund. z. Gesch. der angelscichs. Litt. (Leipzig, 1885), p. 206 ff.; Brandl, Altenglische Literatur, Part i (Strassburg, 1908), p. 979 f. ; Lawrence^ Journal of Germanic Philology, Vol. iv, 1902, p. 46011'.; Sieper, Die alten- glische Elegie (Strassburg, 1915), p. 183 ff. Exceptions are Rieger, Zeitschrift fur deutsche Philologie, Vol. i, p. 330 ff. ; Ten Brink, Geschichte der engli- schen Literatur, Vol. i (Strassburg, 1899), p. 80 ; Ehrismann, ' Eeligionsge- schichtliche beitrage zum germanischen friibchristentum,' Beitrdge zur Gesch.. der detit. Sprache und Lit. Vol. 35, 1909, p. 213 ; Scbiicking, Kleines angel- sdchsisches Dichterhuch (Cotbeu, 1919), p. 6f.
2 Zeitschr. /. d. Philol. Vol. i, p. 330. Cf. Honncber, Anglia, Vol. ix, p. 435 ff.
3 So most scholars. It is not quite clear to me whether Kluge understand& the second speech to end at 1. 64 or 1. 66.
THE SEAFARER 17
A yet more complicated analysis, which affects the Wande7'er also, has been attempted by Boer^ According to his view the Wanderer and the Seafarer together contain the remains of three old poems which have been disintegrated and brought together in a new form. This theory has been criticised at length by W. W. Lawrence'^ who thinks that there is 'no reason to assume that the Wandei-er and the Seafarer are not preserved in essentially their original form with the exception of a homiletic addition to the latter poem' (i.e. 11. 103 — 124). He rejects the dialogue theory entirely, but admits with some doubt that the Christian elements in the body of the poem may be later additions^.
I think that Lawrence's conclusions are the most reason- able that have yet been put forward on this subject. The infrequency of the dialogue form as a poetical device in Anglo-Saxon poetry should make us hesitate before adopting this hypothesis, unless it is supported by strong evidence. There is no indication whatever in the text of any change of speaker such as we find so clearly indicated in Salomon and Saturn and in the Norse dialogue poems* ; and it is surely significant that the scholars who hold the dialogue theory vary greatly in their views as to the distribution and division of the speeches^. The change of view indicated in 1. 33 may be merely rhetorical, and its effect on the modern reader is exaggerated by the absence of such adversative particles as serve in modern languages, as in ancient Greek, to knit con- flicting ideas in a logical sequence.
Attempts have been made® indeed to prove the adversative use of for pon which is one of the chief difficulties of the poem ; but the only explanation, I think, which covers
^ Zeitschr. f. deut. Philol. Vol. xxxv, p. 1 ff. « Journ. of Germ. Philol. Vol. iv, 1902, p. 460 ff.
' The dialogue theory is also rejected by Kock in Lunds Universitets Ars- tkrift, 1918 ('Jubilee Jaunts and Jottings,' p. 75).
* Lawrence (op. cit., p. 468) points out that a change of speaker is clearly indicated in the Wanderer, 1. 88 f.
* Cf. Rieger, Zeitschr. /. d. Philol. Vol. i, p. 330 ff. ; Honncher, Anglia, Vol. IX, p. 435 ff.; Kluge, Engl. Stud. Vol. vi (1883), p. 322 ff.; Boer, Zeitschr. f. d. Philol. Vol. xxxv, p. l-i ff., etc.
« Cf. Kieger, op. cit., p. 335, note to 1. 27 ; M. Daunt, Modern Language Review, Vol. xiii (1918), p. 474 f.; Kock, loc. cit.
K. 2
18 THE SEAFARER
satisfactorily its use in all cases is to take it as a colourless adverbial phrase, connecting loosely what goes before with what follows, and to translate it by some such expression as 'I assure thee' or 'assuredly '^ Lawrence takes a similar view, though he translates 'in this respect,' which is not very suitable for 1. 33.
It is not however very difficult to trace the sequence of thought in the poem in its present form as far as 1. 102. In 11, 1 — 33 a seafarer describes the hardships which he has endured at sea, yet (11. 33 — 64) declares that in spite of such hardships he is always longing to set forth again on his voyages. At 1. 64 there is certainly a rather awkward transi- tion. He appears to argue that in view of the transitoriness of human life the best thing that a man can do is to win the good opinion of posterity and the joy of Heaven. He con- cludes by deploring the departure of the glory of the past and the inevitableness of death.
At 1. 102 there is a marked change in the character of the poem. Thorpe suggested ^ that what follows is the work of a different author — a view which has been adopted by several recent writers. The passage is verbose and lacking in coherence, and the sentiments expressed have no obvious con- nection with the rest of the poem^ LI. 106 — 10.9 contain gnomic utterances which are identical with certain passages
1 W. W. Lawrence has pointed out (Journ. of Germ. Philol. Vol. iv, 1902, p. 463 f.) that in the Lindisfarne and Rushworth glosses on the Gospels for f)on is not infrequently used where the corresponding ms. passage has soplice or a like word. The earlier meaning of the phrase was probably ' so far as this is concerned,' which may from the context acquire the mean- ing 'in spite of that.' Kock, Lunds TJniversitets Arstskrift, 1918 ('Jubilee Jaunts and Jottings,' p. 75), points out that the Norse fyrir pvl sometimes has this latter force. See Fritzner, Ordbog over det gamle norske Sprog, Vol. i, s.v. fyrir § 22 (e.g. Flateyjarbdk, Vol. ii, p. 187, ' Sofa munu ver fullan svefn fyrir J'vi'); hut adversative ideas maybe introduced in Anglo-Saxon poetry without any adversative phrases. We may refer e.g. to Beowulf, 1. 478.
'^ Codex Exoniensis (London, 1842), p. 312, note 1. On the question as to the authorship of this latter part, cf. Wiilcker, Grundriss, etc. p. 210 f.; Brandl, Gesch. d. altengl. Lit. p. 979 f.; Sieper, Die altengl. Elegie, p. 191.
3 This last remark may be held also to apply to the concluding lines of the Wanderer. In view of the fact that 1. 102 of the Seafarer begins a new folio it has been suggested that part of a set of gnomic verses has been attached to the poem by a binder's error. Cf. Thorpe, loc. cit.; Lawrence, op. cit. p. 471 ; B. C. Williams, Gnomic Poetry in Anglo-Saxon (New York, 1914), p. 47 ff.
THE SEAFARER 19
in the Exeter Gnomes, and many analogies to the phraseology of the entire passage are to be found in religious poems and sermons. It is not unlikely that 11. 64 — 102 may have been recast at some time, perhaps when the end of the poem (from 1. 103) was added. This hypothesis will at all events help to account for certain awkward constructions, especially in 1. 74 ff., as well as for the rather unnatural transitions of thought which occur both here and in 1. 64 ff. Such recasting may have been not unusual when secular poems made their way into religious houses. It would be possible to trace a similar process, though on a smaller scale, in the Wanderer and elsewhere. But I doubt if it is possible now to separate the later elements or to reconstruct the body of the original poem K
* For the most recent analysis and discussion of the structure of the Seafarer, see R. Imelmann, Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie (Berlin, 1920), pp. 42 ff., 141 f.
2—2
20
THE SEAFARER
Maeg ic be me sylfum soSgied wrecan,
sipSLS secgan, hu ic geswincdagura
earfoShwile oft )?rowade,
bitre breostceare gebiden hsebbe, 5 gecunnad in ceole cearselda fela,
atol y)?a gewealc, ]>ser mec oft bigeat
nearo nihtwaco set nacan stefnan,
]?onne he be clifum cnossaS. Calde geprungen
wseron mine fet, forste gebunden lo caldum clommum, J^ser j^a ceare seofedun
hat ymb heortan, hungor innan slat
merewerges mod. pset se mon ne wat,
pe him on foldan faegrost limpeS, " hu ic earmcearig iscealdne sse 15 winter wunade wrseccan lastum,
winemsegum bidroren,
bihongen hrimgicelum : hsegl scurum fleag.
paer ic ne gehyrde butan hlimman sae,
iscaldne wseg. Hwilum ylfete song 20 dyde ic me to gomene, ganetes hleo]?or
and huilpan sweg fore hleahtor wera,
msew singende fore medodrince.
Stormas J?ser stanclifu beotan, J^ser him stearn oncwseS
isigfe]7era : ful oft pddt earn bigeal 25 urigfe]7ra. Ngenig hleomaega
feasceaftig ferS fre/ran^ meahte.
For J;on him gelyfeS lyt, se pe ati lifes wyn
gebiden in burgum, bealosij^a hwon,
wlonc and wingal, hu ic werig oft 30 in brimlade bidan sceolde !
Nap nihtscua, nor);an sniwde,
hrim hrusan band, hsegl feol on eor]?an,
1 em. Grein", feran ms.
21
THE SEAFARER
I will recite a lay about my own history and recount my adventures — how in days of stress I have constantly suffered times of hardship. I have endured bitter anguish of heart and experienced many anxious moments in my bark through the terrible rolling of the waves. A distressing vigil has often been my lot at the stern of the ship, when it was dashing against the rocks. My feet have been numbed with cold, bound with chill fetters of frost, while my heart was beset with passionate sighs of distress and my spirit within me was torn by hunger — exhausted as I was by my struggle with the waves. A man whose blissful lot is cast on land cannot realise how I have passed the winter in paths of exile on the icy sea, miserable and distraught, deprived of my dear kins- men and hung about with icicles, while the hail flew in showers. There I heard nothing but the roaring of the sea, the icy waves. Sometimes I had the song of the swan for my entertainment, the cry of the gannet and the shriek of the godwit for the laughter of men, the calling of the mew instead of mead-drinking. Storms buffeted the rocky cliffs, and the tern with icy plumage gave them answer, and again and again the eagle with dripping feathers took up the cry. I had no protecting kinsman who could comfort my desolate soul. Assuredly one who has spent a happy life in luxury and feasting in a great house, free from perilous adventures, can hardly believe what exhaustion I have repeatedly suffered on my sea-voyages. The shades of night came lowering, snow fell from the North, frost bound the land, and hail, coldest of grains, fell on the earth.
22 THE SEAFARER
coma caldast. For J>oii cnyssat5 nu
heortan ge)?ohtas ]>set ic hean streamas, 35 sealtyj?a gelac sylf cunnige.
MonaS modes lust masla gehwylce
ferS to feran, pset ic feor heonan
elj^eodigra eard gesece.
For ]7on nis ]>aes modwlonc mon ofer eor]?an, 40 ne his gifena )?ses god, ne in geoguj^e to pses hwset,
ne in his dsedum to J^ses deor, ne him his dryhten to
]>SBS hold,
Jjset he a his ssefore sorge nsebbe, - to hwon hine dryhten gedon wille.
Ne bi)? him to hearpan hyge, ne to hring]>ege, 45 ne to wife wyn, ne to worulde hyht,
ne ymbe owiht elles nefne yrab ySa gewealc,
ac a hafaS longunge se pe on lagu fundaS.
Bearwas blostmum nimat5, byrig fsegriaS,
wongas wlitigaS, woruld onetteS : 50 ealle ]?a gemoniatS modes fusne,
sefan to siSe J?am ]>e swa ]>ence5.
On flodwegas feor gewitaj?.
Swylce geac monaS geomran reorde,
singes sumeres weard, sorge beodeS 55 bitter in breosthord. pset se beom ne wat,
esteadig secg, hwset J>a sume dreogaS,
]>e J?a wraeclastas widost lecgaS.
For J?on nu min hyge hweorfeS ofer hre)7erlocan,
min modsefa mid mereflode 60 ofer hwgeles e]?el, hweorfeS wide
eorJ?an sceatas, cyme5 eft to me
gifre and graedig, gielleS anfloga,
hweteS on Awselweg^ hre)7er unwearnum
ofer holma gelagu. For |>on me hatran sind 65 dryhtnes drearaas J?onne ]?is deade lif,
laene on londe ; ic gelyfe no
J>8et him eorSwelan ece stondaS^
Simle J^reora sum )?inga gehwylce 1 em. Thorpe (?hwael-), wmhoeg ms. ^ em. Ettmiiller, stondeff ms.
THE SEAFARER 23
But assuredly even now my thoughts are making my heart to throb, until of my own accord I shall venture on the deep waters, the tossing of the salt waves. At every oppor- tunity a yearning impulse incites my heart to set forth and seek the land of strangers far away. Assuredly there is no man on earth so high-hearted, or so generous, or so full of youthful vigour, or so bold in his deeds, or so high in his lord's favour, that he can ever be free from anxiety as to what is the Lord's purpose with regard to him, when he has to travel across the sea.
His thoughts are not on the harp or the giving of rings, he has no pleasure in womankind, nor joy in life, nor thought of anything whatever save the tossing waves : for there is never any peace of mind for him who goes to sea. The houses of the great are beautified by blossoming groves, the fields begin to look bright, mankind begins to stir itself; all these things urge the heart of a high-spirited man towards travel, if he has any inclination thereto. — They set out on long journeys over the paths of the sea. — The cuckoo too, summer's herald, incites him, calling with plaintive note, and cruelly fortells troubles to his heart. A nobleman who lives in luxury cannot realise what is endured by many of those who travel for and wide on paths of exile.
Assuredly my thoughts are now soaring beyond my breast; along the course of the sea my spirit soars, over the home of the whale and throughout the great expanse of earth. Again it comes back to me, eager and hungry, screaming on its solitary flight. Resistlessly it impels my heart to the road of the whale, over the expanse of waters. Assuredly I feel more passion for the joys of the Lord than for this lifeless and transient existence on land. I do not believe that earth's blessings will endure for everTI Always and under all cir-
24 THE SEAFARER
ser his tiddege^ to tweon weorj^eS — 70 adl opj>e yldo oppe ecghete
fsegum fromwearduna feorh o3)jringeS.
For )?on ]?ifit eorla gehwam 8eftercwe]?endra,
lof lifgendra, lastworda betst —
J?8et he gewyrce, aer he on weg scyle, 75 fremman on foldan wi5 feonda ni]?
deorum da^dum deofle togeanes,
p3et hine aelda beam sefter hergen,
and his lof si|>]7an lifge mid englum
awa to ealdre, ecan lifes hlsed^, 80 dream mid dugej^um ! Dagas sind gewitene,
ealle onmedlan eorjjan rices ;
ne aron^ nu cyningas ne caseras
ne goldgiefan swylce iu waeron,
]7onne hi msest mid him maerj^a gefremedon 85 and on dryhtlicestum dome lifdon.
Gedroren is J?eos duguS eal, dreamas sind gewitene ;
wuniatJ pa, wacran and )?as Avoruld healda)>,
brucatS |?urh bisgo. Blaed is gehnseged,
eorj^an indryhto ealdaS and searatS, 90 swa nu monna gehwylc geond raiddangeard.
Yldo him on fareS, onsyn blacaS,
gomelfeax gnornaS, wat his iuwine,
sej^elinga beam, eorj^an forgiefene.
Ne mseg him J?onne se flffischoma, ponne him pset feorg losaS, 95 ne swete forswelgan, ne sar gefelan,
ne bond onhreran, ne mid hyge |>encan.
peah he grsef wille golde stregan
broJ>or his geborenum, byrgan be deadum
maj?mum mislicum Jjset hine mid wille, 100 ne mgeg J?a3re sawle, pe bij? synna ful,
gold to geoce for godes egsan,
J?onne he hit ser hydeS J^enden he her leofaS.
Micel hip se meotudes egsa, for J?on hi seo molde on-
cyrreS ; ^ em. Grein, tidege ms. - em. Thorpe, blsed ms. '■^ em. Grein, nmron ais.
THE SEAFARER 25
cumstances it is matter for uncertainty until the time of its occurrence which of these three — sickness or old age or violence — will cut off the life of a man when the fated hour of his departure comes upon him.
Assuredly the best of records for every man is the praise of those who will live on and speak of him in after days — that before he has to depart he should succeed in prevailing on earth against the hostility of fiends, encountering the devil with daring deeds, so that the children of men may praise him in after days, and his fame may endure henceforth with the angels for ever and ever — the glory of eternal life, bliss among the righteous.
All the days of splendour of earth's realm are departed. There are now no kings or emperors or generous princes such as once there were, when they surpassed all their peers in glory, and lived in the most lordly splendour. All this chivalry has perished. Its joys are departed. A weaker race lingers on and possesses this world, living by toil. Glory lies in the dust. All that is noble on earth grows aged and fades away — just as every man now does throughout the world. Old age comes upon him, his face grows pallid ; grey-haired he grieves in the knowledge that his friends of old days, the scions of princes, have been committed to the earth. While his spirit is ebbing his bodily frame cannot relish delicacies, nor suffer pain, nor raise the hand, nor think with the brain. Though he will spread with gold the grave of his own brother, and bury with the dead in treasures of various kinds what he wishes to have with him, yet gold, which he has hidden while he is still alive here, will not be able to help a soul which is sinful, in place of the fear of God.
Great is the terror of God, for the earth will be transformed.
26 THE SEAFARER
se gestaj?elade sti]7e grundas, 105 eor]7an sceatas and uprodor.
Dol bij? se ]?e him his dryhten ne ondrasdej?: cymeS him se deaS unj^inged.
Eadig bis se pe eaJ?mod leofaS : cymeS him seo ar of
heofonum.
Meotod him past mod gestaJ^elaS, for Jjon he in his meahte gelyfeS.
Stieran mon^ sceal strongum mode, and ]?set on sta)7e- him healdan — 1 10 and gewis werum, wisura clsene.
Scyle monna gehwylc mid gemete healdan
wi]? leofne lufan^ and wiS \apne bealo,
J?eah J>e he hine wille fyres fulne,
oppe on baele forbasrnedne lis his geworhtne wine. Wyrd bi]? swid're^
meotud meahtigra, J^onne senges monnes gehygd.
Uton we hycgan hwser we* ham agen,
and )?onne gepencsm hu we J^ider cumen ;
and we ]7onne eac tilien J^aet we to moten 120 in pa ecan eadignesse,
Jjser is lif gelong in lufan dryhtnes,
hyht in heofonum ! paes sy J^am halgan J?onc,
pset he usic geweorj^ade, wuldres ealdor,
ece dryhten, in ealle tid ! Amen.
^ em. Thorpe, mod ms. 2 em. Klaeber, om. ms.
3 em. Grein, sivire ms. •» em. Thorpe, se ms.
THE SEAFARER 27
He fixed the immovable depths, the surface of the earth and the Heavens above.
Foolish is he who fears not his Lord : death will come to him when he is unprepared. Blessed is he who lives in humility: mercy will come to him from Heaven. God will stablisli his heart for him, because he has faith in his might. A man must control a fierce temper and keep it within bounds. He must be true to his pledges, unblemished in his life. Every man should use moderation in cherishing love towards
his friend and hatred towards his foe
Fate is stronger,
and God mightier than any man can imagine. Let us consider where our home lies and meditate further as to how we may reach it ; and let us also further strive that we may attain to eternal bliss, where life is to be found in the love of the Lord, and joy in Heaven. Thanks be to the holy Prince of glory, the everlasting Lord, that he has shown us favour for all time ! Amen.
28
III. THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT
This poem also is preserved only in the Exeter Book (fol. 115 a, 6). It is in the form of a dramatic monologue. The speaker has been separated jfrom a dear lord and ordered to live in a cavern or grotto under an oak tree, and is con- sequently in great distress. The misery of this solitary abode, together with uncertainty as to what has become of the lord, combine to produce a mood alternating between passionate longing and despair.
Early editors^ assumed that the monologue was that of a man. Ettmliller^ was the first to realise the significance of the feminine forms in the first two lines. He saw that the speaker must be a woman and therefore entitled the poem Wreccan Wifes Ged (' The Lay of a Banished Wife '). His view has since met with general acceptance^ and the poem has become known as ' The Wife's Complaint.'
There has been much controversy as to whether the poem is complete in itself or whether it forms part of a longer story. Ten Brink ^ Wtilcker^ Boeder^ and Sieper' hold the former view and see no reason to connect it with any other poem or story. On the other hand Grein»,
1 Cf. Conybeare, Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (London, 1826), p. 245 ff. ; Thorpe, Codex Exoniemis (London, 1842), p. 441 ff. Thorpe sug- gested that minre sylfre siff (L 2) should be emended to minne sylfes sid".
2 Englu and Seaxna Scopas and Boceras (Quedlinburg, 1850), p. 214 ff.
3 The only noteworthy exceptions are S. Turner, History of the Anglo- Saxons (London, 1852), Vol. iii, p. 290; Taine, Histoire de la Litterature anglaise (Paris, 1892), Vol. i, p. 30 f.; and Schiicking (Zeitschrift fiir deutsches Alterthum, Vol. xlviii, 1906, p. 446 ff.). The latter, however, appears to have recently changed his view; cf. Kleines angelsdchs. Dichterbuch (Cothen, 1919), p. 18 f.
^ Gesch. der engl. Litt.^ Vol. i (Strassburg, 1899), p. 74 (transl. H. M, Kennedy, 1883).
^ Grundriss zur Geschichte der angelsachsischen Litteratur (Leipzig, 1885), p. 226.
« Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen (Halle, 1899), p. 125, note 1.
7 Die altenglische Elegie (Strassburg, 1915), p. 224.
8 Grein's first opinion (cf. Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Possie, Gottin- gen, 1857, Vol. i, p. 363) was that the Wife's Complaint was connected with the Genovefa story ; but he appears to have abandoned this view later (cf. Kurzgefasste angelsachsische Grammatik, Kassel, 1880, p. 10) in favour of that of a connection between this poem and the Husband's Message, both of
THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT 29
Hicketier', Traiitmann*, Iniclraann' and Brandl* believe that there is a connection between the Wifes Complaint and the Husband's Message, though they are not in entire agreement as to the details, A third group arc of the opinion that the subject of the Wife's Complaint is an incident of some cycle of legend such as the Hildebrand story^ the Genovefa cycle", the Constantia-Otta cycled or the Crescentia story*.
It may be observed here that this third view is open to some rather serious objections. It is not clear that any of the cycles of legend mentioned above were known in England during the Saxon period^ except perhaps in the form of folk- tales. Again, the absence of proper names causes a difficulty; for they are very freely used in the heroic poems which have come down to as'". In the whole of Beoiuulf there is only one passage' as long as this poem which is without any proper name. This pjxssage (1. 2208 ff.) is indeed much longer ; but
which he regards as having formed part of a larger poem, belonging to the eighth century.
1 Anglia, Vol. xi (1889), pp. 363—368. Hicketier suggests that both the Wife's Complaint and the Husband's Message may be Biddies, not, however, independent of one another.
- Anglia, Vol. xvi (1894), p. 222 S. Trautmann believes that the Wife's Coviplaint and the Hiisband's Message are works of the same author, and indeed that originally they formed parts of the same poem.
^ Die altenglische Odoaker-Dichtung (Berlin, 1907). Imelmann regards the first Riddle of the Exeter Book, the Wife's Complaint and the Husband's Message as a trilogy, and attempts to connect them with the Odoacer story. He reads the Kuuic letters in the Husband's Message, 11. 35, 36, as forming the name Eadwaccr, which is found in the Riddle. Of. also Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie (Berhn, 1920), p. 174.
•* Geschichte der altenglischen Ltf<;ra«ur;(Strassburg, 1908), p. 977.
^ Conybeare, Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (London, 1826), p. 245, n. 1.
* Grein, Bibl. d. angelsachs. Foes. Vol. i, p. 363.
7 Cf. Wiilcker, Grundr. zur Gesch. der angelsachs. Litt. p. 226 ; this is however merely a counter-suggestion to the Genovefa cycle, and does not represent Wiilcker's opinion. It is offered as a serious solution to the pro- blem however by Edith Kickert {Modern Philoloqy, Vol. ii, 1905, p. 365 ff.) and by W. W. Lawrence (ib. Vol. v, 1908, p. 387 ff.).
>* StefanoviS, Anglia, Vol. xxxii, 1909, p. 399 ff. StefanoviC's suggestion has been adopted by Schiicking; cf. Kleines angelsdchsisches Dichterbuch (Cothen, 1919), p. ISf.
'' The story of Off a was of course well known, but it would seem from Beowulf that the original story of Offa's marriage was that which was attached to Offa II in the ' Lives,' and not the (Coustantia) story which was associated with Offa I.
'° Cf. also the so-called ' First Riddle' which is a shorter poem, and which, except for the occurrence of the proper names, is in many respects com- parable to the Wife's Complaint.
30 THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT
it must be regarded as altogether exceptional. On the other hand it is clear from the other poems contained in this book that the nameless, timeless type of poetry was popular. No one will suggest that the Wanderer or the Seafarer is to be connected with any cycles of legend.
In the poem itself there are several points which are not quite clear. Why has the speaker been ordered to live under an oak, and what is the nature of her abode there ? According to Wtilcker^ she has been sent there as a punish- ment ; but Trautmann^ and others hold that it is a place of sanctuary. The situation would no doubt be clear enough to an audience familiar with the traditions of early — pre- sumably heathen — times ; and in the notes some evidence which tends to support the latter view is quoted from certain passages in early Norse literature.
Again, there is a curious difference of opinion as to the number of principal characters in the story. Several scholars hold that the man Avhose character is sketched in 1. 18 ff. is a different person from the speaker's ' lord ' or husband, and that it is through the former — perhaps one of the magas^ mentioned in 1. 11 and the villain of the piece — that her distressing situation has been brought about. It is chiefly through this hypothesis that attempts have been made to bring the poem into connection with various cycles of story.
The hypothesis however involves some serious difficulties. In 1. 42 ff. there is clearly a reference to the same man who is mentioned in 1. 18 ff. If this is not the speaker's ' lord ' we must postulate in both cases an abrupt and unnatural transition ; for there can be no doubt that the lord is the person indicated in both of the passages immediately following these (11. 47 ff. and 21 ff.). Again, according to this hypothesis, the commands mentioned in 11. 15 and 27 must be different and due to different persons ; while 11. 24 ff. lose the antithetical force which seems to be implied both by the individual words
^ Grundr. zur Gesch. der aiigclsiichs. Litt. p. 226.
2 Anglia, Vol. xvi (1894), p. 223.
^ Cf. Grein, Dichtungen der Amjelsachsen (Cassel, 1863), Vol. ii, p. 256, footnote; Boeder, Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen, p. 114; Brandl, Gesch. d. altengl. Lit. (Strassburg, 1908), p. 977.
THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT 31
{/reondscipe, fela leaf an, fii'h&u) and by the passage as a whole.
On the other hand all these passages may be taken as referring to the * lord ' ; and this explanation is favoured by the fact that an estrangement on his part is clearly indicated in 1. 23 ff. In this case there will be no need to assume the existence of a third character.
It is perhaps an ambitious attempt to portray excited feelings which causes the difficulty of the poem. The asyndetic and not altogether logical sequence of thought, the absence of metrical form in 1. 24, and the involved construction in 1. 42 ff. may possibly all be ascribed to this cause. There is no need, I think, to assume any serious corruption of the text.
32
THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT
Ic ]?is giedd wrece bi me ful geomorre, minre sylfre siS ; ic J?set secgan maeg hwset ic yrm)>a gebad siJ^J^an ic up weox niwes o]>]fe ealdes, no ma j^onne nu : 5 a ic wite wonn minra wrsecsi)?a ! yErest min hlaford gewat heonan of leodum ofer yj7a gelac. Heefde ic uhtceare hwser min leodfruma londes wj3ere. Da ic me feran gewat folgaS secan,
lo wineleas wraecca, for minre weaj^earfe. Ongunnon )?aet ]7ses monnes magas hycgan )?urh dyrne ge]?oht past hy tod^lden unc, ]7set wit gewidost in woruldrice lifdon la?5licost, and mec longade.
1 5 Het mec hlaford min her heard niman. Ahte ic leofra lyt on |?issum londstede, holdra freonda ; for )?on is min hyge geomor, Sa ic me ful gemsecne monnan funde, heardsseligne, hygegeomorne,
2o mod mij?endne, morj^or hycgende bliJ7e gebsero. Ful oft wit beotedan ]>set unc ne gedselde nemne deat5 ana owiht elles. Eft is J^set onhworfen ; is nu ' • • swa hit no wgere
25 freondscipe uncer ! SceaP ic feor ge neah mines fela leofan fsehtSu dreogan. Heht mec mon wunian on wuda bearwe, under actreo in J>am eorSscrsefe. Eald is J^es eorSsele, eal ic eom oflongad ;
30 sindon dena dimme, duna uphea, bitre burgtunas, brerum beweaxne, wic wynna leas. Ful oft mec her wraj?e begeat 1 em. Thorpe, Seal ms.
33
THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT
In this poem I will give an account of my overwhelming Troubles and describe the plight in which I find myself. I will tell what hardships I have endured since I grew up, both recently and long ago, but never more than now. I have suffered ceaseless torment from my misfortunes.
To begin with, my lord went away from his people here over the restless waves. In the morning twilight I have wondered anxiously in what part of the world my lord could be. Then I set out on my way, friendless and homeless, to seek for support in my sore need.
The man's relatives had secretly cast about as to how they might separate us, so that we might live as far apart in the world as possible and on the worst of terms ; and I was sick at heart. * My lord in his cruelty ordered me to be brought here. In this place I had no dear or loyal friends. Truly my heart is troubled since I have found a man fully suited to me, oppressed by ill fortune and troubled in heart — disguising his feelings under an unruffled demeanour while intending a deed of cruelty. Again and again we had vowed that nothing but death alone should part us. Now all that is passed away, and our love is as though it had never been. Everywhere I shall have to suffer the hostility of him who is very dear to me.
I have been ordered to make my dwelling in a forest grove in this cavern beneath an oak-tree. \This is an underground dwelling made long ago, and I am altogether heart-broken. Gloomy are its depths, and the heights tower up above. Cruel are the barriers of my citadel, overgrown with thorns. It is a joyless dwelling. Many are the times that the thought
K. 3
34 THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT
fromsij? frean. Frynd sind on eorj^an
leofe lifgende, leger weardiaS, 35 ]Jonne ic on uhtan ana gonge
under actreo geond ]?as eorSscrafu !
paer ic sitta^i^ mot sumorlangne dseg,
)?8er ic wepan mseg mine wrsecsij^as,
earfoJ>a fela. For |7on ic aefre ne mseg 40 J?8ere modceare minre gerestan,
ne ealles jfass longa|?es pe mec on ]?issum life begeat. ^ A scyle geong mon wesan geomormod,
heard heortan gej^oht, swylce habban sceal
bli)je gebsero, eac |?on breostceare, 45 sinsorgna gedreag — s}' cet him sylfum gelong
eal his worulde wyn, sy ful wide fah
feorres folclondes past min freond siteS
under stanhli)?e, storme behrimed,
wine werigmod, wsetre beflowen 50 on dreorsele. DreogetS se min wine
micle modceare ; he gemon to oft
wynlicran wic. Wa biS |?am ]>e sceal
of langope leofes abidan !
1 em. Conybeare, sittam ms.
THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT 35
of my lord's departure has taken cruel hold of me while I have been here. Lovers there are on earth living in affection and resting in their beds, while all alone before the dawn I pace the round of these caverns beneath the oak-tree. Here I shall have to sit through the long summer day ; here I shall have to weep over my misfortunes and my many hardships. Assuredly I shall never be able to get any rest from my distress nor from all the heart-ache which has come upon me in my life here.
The young man can never cease to be troubled in spirit. Bitter must be the reflections of his heart; but he must also have an unruffled demeanour, though along with it grief of soul and a host of constant anxieties — whether all the joy that the world can give him be to his hand, or whether it be that, hunted by hostility throughout the length and breadth of a far country, my lover is sitting beneath some rampart of rock exposed to tempest and frost — my dear one broken- hearted, in a gloomy dwelling with water flowing round him. Great misery of heart is that dear one of mine suffering ; very often he remembers a happier abode. Sad is the lot of those who have to wait with an aching heart for them whom they love.
3—2
37
IV. THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE
The Husband's Message is preserved on fol. 123 a-6 of the Exeter Book. It is preceded by one or more riddles, and the opinions of scholars have varied greatly as to the exact point at which The Husband's Message actually begins. It would seem at first sight that the scribe of the Exeter Book himself recognised four distinct pieces between the end of the piece which Thorpe called Maxims (fol. 122 6) and the beginning of the Ruin (fol. 123 6). Each of these pieces begins with a large initial letter^ and ends with the mark indicating the conclusion. These four pieces will be referred to in the following passages as units A, B, C, and D respec- tively, for the sake of convenience.
Thorpe-, in his edition of the Exeter Book, followed the MS. and printed each piece as a separate unit. He regarded the first three as Riddles, the fourth (beginning with the words Hwset pec ponne, etc.) he called A Fragment.
That the first piece (A) is a riddle there has never been any serious doubt. It occurs also on fol. 108 of the Exeter Book among a collection of Riddles, and is generally printed by editors as * Riddle 31.'
Grein' was the first to suggest that the third and fourth pieces (C, D) really formed one unit (CD) which he called Botschaft des Gemahls an seine Frau ('The Husband's Message to his Wife ') — a suggestion which has since met with general approval.
In 1887 Strobl put forward the view* that the second
1 Larfie initials seldom occur elsewhere in the ms. except at the beginning of a poem. It is to be observed, however, that another instance occurs in D 1. 14 {Oiigin) — here also preceded by the 'conclusion' mark — where the scribe can hardly have thought of the beginning of a new piece.
- Codex Exonieiisis (London, 1842), p. 470 ff. Cf. also Klipstein, Analecta Anglo-Saxonica (New York, 1849), Vol. ii, p. 322 f.; Ettmiiller, Eiif/la and Seaxna Scopas and Boceras (Quedlinburg, etc. 1850), p. 202 f.
3 Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Poesie (Gottingen, 1857), Vol. i, pp. 246 f., 363 f.
* Zeitschr.f. deut. Altcrthum, Vol. xxxi, p. 55.
38 THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE
piece (B), though evidently of the nature of a riddle, was not unconnected with the following piece (i.e. CD, now recognised as one) — which indeed seemed to him to contain the answer to it. This view was opposed in 1889 by Hicketier^ who held that Strobl had misinterpreted B, and suggested on the contrary that the unit CD might itself be a riddle.
In 1900 the question of the relationship of B to the unit CD was reopened by Blackburn'-, who argued that B (now generally known as 'Riddle 61') was not a riddle at all, but a part of the unit CD which had been detached from the rest of the poem by the scribe. Blackburn bases his theory mainly on four points, viz. : (1) B does not present a distinct riddle form. The descriptive element is present, but we do not find the contradictory statements so essential to this type of riddle ; (2) the solutions to this ' riddle ' hitherto suggested^ are unsatisfactory. The object speaking is plainly a letter; (3) what follows in the MS. is also the utterance of a letter ; (4) if the three poems (i.e. B, C, D) are read consecutively the result is clearly a unity.
Blackburn's theory has not been allowed to pass un- challenged. Tupper admits that his suggestion is ' pretty and ingenious,' but holds that it ignores a very real relation between Riddle 61 {Exeter Book) and Riddle 2 (the 'Reed') of Symphosius^ He makes no comment on Blackburn's
^ Anglia, Vol. xi (1889), p. 363 f.
- Journal of Germanic Philology, Vol. iii (1900), p. 1 ff. 3 Dietrich {Zeitschr. f. dent. Alterthum, Vol. xi, p. 4.52 f.) suggested 'A reed'; Trautmann {Anglia, Vol. xvi, p. 219) 'A Eune-staff.' Trautmann urged that the fact that the solution to Riddle 61 was a 'rune-staff' was sufficient reason for a scribe placing immediately after it a poem in which the speaker is also a rune-staff.
* Cf. Mod. Lang. Notes, Vol. xviii (1903), pp. 98, 99 ; The Riddles of the Exeter Book (Boston, 1910), pp. 198, 199. The close correspondence between these two ' Riddles ' had been previously indicated in parallel columns by Dietrich (loc. cit.). He gives the text of Riddle no. 2 of Symphosius as follows :
Dulcis amica dei, semper* vicina profundist, suave canens musis, nigro perfusa colore ; nuntia sum linguae, digitis signataj magistri. * ripae, Tupper. f profundae, id. X stipata, id.
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE 39
fii-st argument, but states that Symphosius' ' Reed ' problem is a popular one in the folk-literature of several languages.
Sieper is also of the opinion' that Blackburn's arguments will not admit of a critical examination. He points out that the contradictory or antithetical form is not essential to the riddle, and that Blackburn's second argument has no bearing on the point at issue. He adheres to the old view that B is a riddle, and on grounds of technique etc. regards the unit CD as a Klage, complete in itself In his opinion, moreover, the speaker is a messenger, only the runes being graven on the heaTn ; and it is to be noted that in regard to the last point his view is shared also by Imelmann'* and Schiicking^
The position appears to me to be this. The evidence which Tupper adduces for the popularity of the Arundo Riddle is for the most part late, and therefore has little bearing on our problem ; but it is not to be denied that the phrasing of the riddle shows a curious resemblance to the A.S. unit B. Again, the description at the beginning of the latter seems more appropriate to a reed than to any kind of tree which could serve for a message stick ; and the same may perhaps be said of 1. 9, though this point can hardly be pressed, as the verse is metrically defective. Even if Black- bum's view is correct, is it really quite impossible that the poet should have been influenced by the riddle of Sym- phosius or an A.S. riddle based upon it ? The closing lines of B certainly connect very well with the beginning of C, and moreover it has been pointed out* that the per- sonal address in 1. 14 of B is contrary to the usage of A.S. riddles. But if we regard B as a unit, does it therefore follow that it is a riddle ? Inanimate objects are represented not infrequently in Anglo-Saxon as speaking in their own person (e.g. the cross in the Dream of the Rood, the Alfred Jewel, and the sundial at Kirkdale Church), a convention which may have some connection with riddle literature.
' Die altenglische Elegie (Strassbur^, 1915), p. 211. ' Forschungen zur altengluchcn Poesie (Berlin, 1920), p. 152. ' Kleines angehriduisches Dichterbuch (Cotben, 1919), p. 23. * Cf. Wyatt, Old English Biddies (London, 1912), p. 109.
40 THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE
Several scholars^ have called attention to the similarity of unit D to a riddle, and if we assume that the slip of wood is the speaker-, the analogy is undeniable; but the whole poem reads quite naturally as the speech of a messenger who is delivering to his lady his credentials or some other token, graven in runes on a slip of wood.
On the whole the evidence does not seem to me to be sufficiently decisive to admit of a positive answer to the questions that have been raised. The view put forward by Blackburn is not in itself improbable. On the other hand it appears to me at least equally probable that the compiler of the Exeter Book, or the collector whose text he was copying, may have been prompted to group these poems together by the similarity of their theme ; and this suggestion is somewhat favoured by the fact of the reintroduction at this point of unit A*, which has been interpreted by Blackburn and others as a beam (' tree,' 'cross,' etc.).
The question as to whether this poem is connected with the Wife's Complaint has been much debated. There is no indication that the scribe of the Exeter Book recognised any connection between the two poems. They are separated by seven folios. But it has been urged by many scholars that the two poems seem to point to very similar situations*. In both cases the man has left his wife or sweetheart suddenly and fled across the sea. In both cases there is a reference to some trouble which has caused his precipitate flight. In the Wife's Complaint this cause is not made clear. In the Husband's Message, however, it is explained as a vendetta. In both cases again we have references to vows of loyalty exchanged between the man and woman and to the longing which the speaker in each poem confesses.
1 E.g. Brandl, Geschichte der altenglischen Literatur (Strassburg, 1908), p. 977.
^ Cf . the poem (printed as prose) contained in King Alfred's translation of Gregory's Cura PaHtoralis (ed. Sweet, E.E.T.S., p. 8).
3 Blackburn, in order to explain the fact that unit A occurs twice in the Exeter Book, suggests that the scribe may have had two ms. collections of poems before him, each of which contained the riddle. There are con- siderable variations in the texts of the two versions.
•* Cf. Introduction to the Wife's Complaint, p. 28 f., above.
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE 41
Posisibly also tlio WiXxU'd hillside of the Message may be a reminiscence of the irrove and hills of the Complaint.
On the other hand an equally strong body of opinion •contends that these similarities are inconclusive, and that the situation depicted in the Wifes Complaint may have been a not infrequent one in disturbed times. Schiicking* thinks it probable that the Husband's Message, like the Complaint, may have been taken from some longer story as yet unidentified, while Schofield^ connects it with the lay of Gotelef. Wiilcker^ and others* hold the view that the situation depicted in the two poems is not the same — that in the Wifes Complaint there has been a quarrel between wife and husband. This interpretation is based on the iissumption that 11. 42 ff. of the latter poem refer not to the husband but to a third person — an assumption which seems to me unnecessary and probably erroneous (cf. the Intro- duction to the Wife's Complaint, p. 30 f. above). Even this interpretation, however, does not necessarily preclude the possibility of a connection between the two poems ; for the passage in question, like the suggestion in 1. 11 ff. of trouble made by the relatives, may mean no more than a supposition on the part of the deserted wife as to the reason for her husband's behaviour.
It has been pointed out above'' that the style and tone of the two poems are wholly different, in spite of certain similarities of diction", the one being involved, excited and desperate, while the other is simple in style and serene in
J Kleines anrjehnchsisches Dichterhuch (Cothen, 1919), p. 2.3 f.
- English Literature from the Norman Conquest to Chaucer (London, 1906), p. 201 f.
- (Irundr. zitr Gesch. tier angelsaclis. Litt. (Leipzig, 1885), p. 227. « Cf. Introduction to the Wife's Complaint, p. 28, above.
•'' Cf. Introduction to the Wife's Complaint, p. 31.
6 Trautmann points out [Anglia, Vol. xvi, 1894, p. 224 f.) the similarity between tlie following passages :
Wife's Complaint, 1. 21 ful oft wit beotedan ; Husband's Message, D, 1. 3 tcordbeotung(a), 1. 2ij eald gebeot.
Wife's Complaint, 1. 34 leger weardia'S ; Husband's Message, D, 1. 0 eard weardigan.
Wife's Complaint, 1. 18 monnan funde; Husband's Message, D, 1. 10 monnan find est.
The correspondence however may very well be due to the conventional nature of Anglo-Saxon poetic diction. Cf. Introduction to the Wanderer, p. 2ff., above.
42 THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE
tone. This argument, however, would only indicate a differ- ence in origin for the poems if we assume that at that time no poet existed capable of adapting his style to the moods of his characters. This, after all, is an assumption which cannot be proved. It has been pointed out^ that there is a suggestion of incompleteness about the Wife's Complaint, and the proposal that the Husband's Message contains the sequel to it certainly tends to produce a richer and more dramatic situation. It is, however, of the nature of con- jecture, even though, like the suggestions of Grein and Blackburn, containing nothing inherently improbable; and in my opinion it is wisest to suspend judgment on this question also, so long as the origin and history of both poems remain wholly obscure.
Many attempts have been made to interpret the runic passage at the close of the poem. One line of enquiry has led to the suggestion that the runes make up a name, or the names of the characters referred to in the story. In this case the runes might stand for the letters Avhich go to form such a name, or they might each stand for the initial letter of five different names'^; or again the name of each rune might form a constituent syllable of two or more names^.
A second suggestion is that the runes denote not a person or persons, but the objects symbolised by the letters. In this case it would seem that the letters do not all possess here the value given to them in the runic alphabet. It is not easy to see how EA, which seems to mean ' earth,' or ' grave,' would be appropriate in this connection.
None of the suggested interpretations are satisfactory.
1 Cf. p. 28f., above.
"^ One might be tempted to suggest that they may possibly stand for the initial letters of the names of five separate oath- helpers who took part in the cyre-aS, especially as five are stated to have been the number nominated for the plaintiff in the Laws of jEthelstan, ii, 9. But the cyre-aS is again a mere suggestion, involving us in a distorted syntax which casts grave doubts on its value.
^ For suggested interpretations, cf. Hicketier, Anglia, Vol. xr (1889), p. 363 ff.; Trautmann, ib. Vol. xvi (1894), p. 219 ff. ; Blackburn, Jourii. of Germ. Philol. Vol. iii (1900), p. 11, note on this passage; Imelmann, Die altenglische Odoaker-Dichtung, p. 40 ; Forsch. z. altengl. Poesie, p. 163 ff.; Sieper, Die altenglische Elegie (Strassburg, 1915), p. 213 f., etc.
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE 43
Sieper's suggestion that the runes possess magical signi- ficance is unsupported by any analogy in Anglo-Saxon, and even the example cited from Norse (Bosa Saga ok HerrauiSs, eh. 5) is hardly a parallel. On the other hand five runes are hardly enough in themselves to spell an Anglo-Saxon proper name.
It has been mentioned above ^ that the texts of the Husband's Message and the Ruin have been badly damaged by an accident to the MS. Attempts have been made to supply the lacunae in the text of the former'^; but my examination and measurements of the MS. and the British Museum transcript^ have led me to the conclusion that these attempts are in many cases impossible — a view which is, I see, corroborated by the measurements of Sieper^ I have printed only what I have been able to read in the MS. or in the British Museum transcript. Letters supplied from the latter, and incomplete portions of letters big enough to be identified in either MS. or transcript, have been printed in italics. In the damaged portions of the text the lines (printed in small type) correspond to the lines of the MS. For the greater part of these passages I have not attempted a translation.
' Cf. p. xii.
- Cf. Klase, An(jelsnchsische$ Lesebuch (Halle, 1902), p. 147 f. ; Blackburn, Journ. of Genu. Philol. Vol. in (1900), p. 8f.
3 On the latter see Tupper, The Eiddles of the Exeter Book (Boston, etc., 1910), p. xcvii ; Anglia, Vol. xxxvi, p. 286 f.; Chambers, ib. Vol. xxxv, p. 398 f. The value of the transcript seems to me to lie less in any positive additions to the text than in the provision of a check upon proposed restorations.
■• Die altenglische Elegie, p. 134 ff. (footnotes).
44
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE
B
Ic wses be sonde, ssewealle neah, set merefaro]>e, minum gewunade frumsta]>ole faest ; fea senig wees monna cynnes ]>set minne ]7aer 5 on anaede eard beheolde, ac mec uhtna gehwam yS sio brune lagufaeSme beleolc. Lyt ic wende ]?8et ic ser o\>]>e siS sefre sceolde ofer meodu muSleas sprecan,
lo worduni wrixlan. pset is wundres dsel on sefan searolic ])am pe swylc ne conn, hu mec seaxes^ ord ond seo swi]?re bond, eorles inge]?onc ond ord somod, )>ingum ge)?ydan, pset ic wip pe sceolde
15 for unc anum twam- terendspraece abeodan bealdlice, swa hit beorna ma, uncre wordcwidas widdor ne msenden.
c
I Nu ic onsundran l)e seegan II ic tudre aweox in mec aeld
III londes settaw
IV sa
wille
treo cyn . . . sceal ellor . e sealte streamas^ (S)-* ful oft ic on bates
V gesohte \)seY mec mon dryhten min
VI . . . ofer^ heali hofu'^.
Eom nu her cumen on ceolpele, and nu cunnan scealt hu ]7u ymb modlufan mines frean (10) on hyge hycge, Ic gehatan dear 5 J>£et pxi J?ser tirfseste treowe findest.
1 So edd., seaxeff ms. - So edd., ticaji ms.
3 Complete in B.M.
■* The bracketed numbers are those which appear in most other editions and in references to the Husband's Message in the dictionaries.
^ From this point to 1. 20 below my lines do not correspond to the lines of the MS. In the ms. 1. vi ends with ')>ele' and 1. 7 with 'on.'
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE 46
B
Once I was on the sea-shore, by the sands, near the clififs, and dwelt firmly rooted in ray original home. Very few human beings were there who looked upon my dwelling-place in that solitary waste, but each dawn the dark wave of the sea em- braced and played around me. Little did I think that I should ever at any time in my life speak and hold discourse over the mead, mouthless as I am. It is a great marvel, wonderful to the minds of those who are ignorant of such things — how the point of a knife and the right hand of a knight — his ingenuity and the point together — laid violent hands upon me... so that it has fallen to my lot to announce to thee boldly a message in thy presence and mine alone, in such a way that no other men may publish abroad our conversation.
c
...Now I have come here on shipboard, and now thou shalt learn what to think in thy mind of the heart's love of my lord. I dare promise that thou wilt find noble loyalty in him.
46 THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE
D
Hwset ! pec J)onne biddan het se ]?isne beam agi'of )?9Bt )?u sinchroden sylf gemunde on gewitlocan wordbeotunga (15) J^e git on serdagum oft gespraBCon 5 J^enden git moston on meoduburgum eard weardigan, an lond bugan, freondscype fremman. Hine fsehj^o adraf of sige]?eode. Heht nu sylfa pe (2o)lustum Iseran^ j^set ]?u lagu drefde, 10 si)?J?an J^u gehyrde on hli]?es oran galan geomorne geac on bearvve. Ne Iset pn pec si]7|?an sipes getwsefan, lade gelettan lifgendne monn. (25) Ongin mere secan, meewes epe\. 15 Onsite ssenacan, pgst ]7U suS heonan ofer merelade monnan findest, pser se J?eoden is ]?in on wenuni. Ne maeg him . . n- worulde willa... (30) mara on gemyndum, ]?a?s pe he me ssegde, 2oJ?onne inc geunne al-*
XIII waldend god . . set somne si|)J)an motan secgum 7
XIV gesi])um s . . . «tlede 6eagas he genoh ha
XV fa« (35) ffdan go^ ed el })eode e
XVI >el healde faegre folda
XVII ra hseletia t)eah ]>e her min wine
XVIII nyde gebaeded nacan ut a})rong (40) 7 on y])a geong . . XIX sceolde faran on flot weg fort5 sij^es georn*
mengan merestreamas. Nu se mon hafaS wean oferwunnen ; nis him wilna gad ne meara ne maSma ne meododreama, (45) senges ofer eorpan eorlgestreona
1 em. Thorpe, Imram ms.
- The MS. has a space of 2-7 cm. between him and woruJde. The outline of n is traceable on the vellum.
3 From this point my Unes correspond to those of the ms.
* From this point again my lines do not correspond to those of the ms. 1. XIX ends in the ms. with mengan me.
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE 47
D
Hearken nioroovor ' He who inscribed this rod has bidden me ask thee, lady, to remember in thy own heart the vows to which thou and he often pledged yourselves in former days when ye were still able to live at home in the ban- queting halls, dwelling in the same land and indulging your affection. He was driven by vendetta from his glorious land. Now the same man has joyfully commanded me to exhort thee to betake thyself to the sea, as soon as thou hearest the plaintive cuckoo calling in the wood on the hillside. There- after let no living man deter thee from thy journey, nor hinder thy voyage. Make thy way to the deep, the seamew's home. Seat thyself in a bark and then southward from here over the ocean-path thou wilt find where thy princely lover is awaiting thee. No greater joy in the world can he conceive of — so he told me — than that God Almighty should grant that hence- forth ye shall be able [to dwell] together....
(xvii)... though here my dear lord, forced by necessity, launched his vessel and had to... over the course of the waves, setting forth upon the highroad of the deep, stirring the waters of the sea in his eagerness to escape. Now the man has overcome his troubles. He has no lack of luxuries — of steeds, or jewels, or of the joys of good living, or any possessions on earth such as nobles have.
48
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE
25 peodnes dohtor! ofer eald gebeot gecyre ic setsorane EA. W. and D, (50) ]?get he pa, waere 30 be him lifgendum pe git on ferdagum
gif he J>in beneah, incer twega,
S. R. geador, ape benemnan and |?a winetreowe
Isestan wolde oft gespraecon^
em. Thorpe, gespraeconn ms.
THE HUSBAND'S MESSAGE 49
O Princess ! If he shall gain thee, in addition to the vows made by you both in the past I would nominate S, R, EA, W, and D all together to declare or^ oath that as long as he lives he will observe the covenant and bond of affection to which ye frequently pledged yourselves in the past.
51
V. THE EUIN
The Ruin is found on fol. 123 6-124 6 of the Exeter Book, where it follows immediately upon the Husband's Message. The burn which destroyed much of the text of the latter has done even greater damage to the Ruin, so that many lines are lost, A word or a letter can be restored here and there from (? Robert) Chambers's transcript', but not enough to add materially to our knowledge of the poem.
The subject is a ruin or group of ruins — evidently stone buildings of the Roman period, though the life depicted is that of a Saxon prince's residence, such as would be familiar to the author. In the opening lines he dwells on the scene of desolation before him. Then (1. ix) comes the first place where the MS. is damaged. When it again becomes legible the poet is calling up a picture of the splendours of a wealthy court and all the riches which it had contained — a description which is interrupted in 11. 17 to 24 by a brief account of how the place came into its present ruinous condition. After 1. 33 the MS. again becomes illegible. The result of the whole is to leave on the mind of the reader a contrast between the present condition of the place and its former splendour as seen through Saxon eyes.
In many respects the Ruin recalls the latter half of the Wanderer^ — a resemblance which is partly due to the simi- larity of the subject ; but it differs from the Wanderer in that the reflections are not represented here as being spoken. In- deed the impersonal character of the poem, and especially the opening lines, have led at least one writer^ to regard it as a riddle. It also resembles the same part of the Wanderer in being highly rhetorical and studied in style. On the other hand it has certain features which dififerentiate it from all the
* Cf. F. Tupper, in Anglia, Vol. xxxvi, p. 287 f. ; cf . also pp. xi and 43 above.
* Cf. Introduction to the Wmiderer, p. 4, above.
' E.g. Hicketier, Anf/lia, Vol. xi, p. 3(36 f. Cf. also Introduction to the Husband' .1 Messa<ie, p. .38, above.
4—2
62 THE RUIN
other poems in this book, e.g. the rhymes combined with [parallelism of ideas in 11. 5 scorene, gedrorene ; 7 forweorone, geleorone; 32 tveal,eall; 24 wow^r ^ecro/i^r and perhaps 11 steap, geap ; and in the individual character of its vocabulary. There are a considerable number of air. \ey. and unusual compounds such as 7 waldend-wyrhtan ; 23 teaforgeapa ; 24 hrostheag ; and probably 8 heardgripe.
The majority of early scholars, e.g. Conybeare\ Leo-, Earle^ and Wulcker^ regarded the Ruin as referring to a town, whereas Ettmiiller', Grein'', Sweef^ and others were of opinion that the description was more appropriate to a fortress. The references to stone walls, together with other details (burg- stede, torras, luig steal, etc.), seem to point to fortifications. On the other hand it is not without significance that Earle and Leo came independently to the conclusion that the scene of the ruin must be Bath, — an identification which has been accepted by Wiilcker and most subsequent writers, including Sieper^ and Schlicking^ The reference to haj)u...hat in 1. XXX f. can hardly refer to any artificial system of heating like the hypocausts used by the Romans, for these would have been unrecognisable. On the other hand, so far as I am aware, there is no evidence of extensive Roman buildings at any of the hot springs in this country except at Bath.
It is true that Bath does not appear to have been strongly fortified in Roman times, though like most Romano-British cities of the period it was surrounded by walls. But the Saxons^", whose social organisation was essentially military,
1 Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (London, 1826), p. 249 f. Conybeare compares the poem with Llywarch Hen's Elegy on Urien Reged.
2 Carmen Anglosaxonicum in Cudice Exonieiwi servatum quod vulgo inscribi- tur Ruinae, Hallesehe Universitatsschrift, 1865, p. 5, etc.
3 Proceedings of the Bath Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club, March 1871, Vol. ii, No. 3, p. 259 fi.
* Anglia, Vol. ii, p. 379: Grund. z. Gesch. der angelsachs. Litt. (Leipzig, 1885), p. 211 f.
5 Engla and Seaxna Scopas and Boceras (QuedUnburg, etc. 1850), p. 213 f. ® Kurzgefasste anqelsdchsische Grammatik (Kassel, 1880), pp. 10, 15.
7 ' Sketch of the History of Anglo Saxon Poetry' in W. C. Hazlitt's edition of Th. Warton's History of English Poetry (London, 1871), Vol. ii, p. 18.
8 Die altenglische Elegie (Strassburg, 1915), p. 227.
9 Kleines angelsachsisches Dichterbuch (Cothen, 1919), p. 32.
10 The capture of Bath by the West Saxons is recorded in the Saxon Chronicle sub ann. 577, and it is likely enough that the place was destroyed
THE RUIN 53
could haicUy have conceived of any place with buildings of importance except as a fortress, and it would be natural to tiiein to think of the place as one which, in the time of its g\ory, was full of the military retinues of princes, like the D;uiish king's residence in Beoioulf.
The damaged portions of the text are printed below in the same way as in the Httshand's Message (cf. p. 43 above). I have not ventured to attempt a translation of these passages.
about thi8 period, though the entry itself can hardly be regarded a8 historical. In later times there was a flourishing religious house there, which is generally believed to have been founded towards the end of the seventh century. The foundation charter (Birch, Cart. Sax. No. 43), issued by Osric, king of the Hwicce, is dated 67G, but its genuineness has been doubted. The absence of any reference to the &hhey — the present structure stands almost on the top of the springs — would seem rather to suggest that the poem was composed before its foundation; but it would be hazardous to lay much weight on this inference. For references to Roman Bath, see H. M. Scarth, Aquae Solis or Notices of Roman Bath (London, 1864) ; A. J. Taylor, "The Roman Baths of Bath, etc. (Bath, 1913) ; L. H. Wilson, Bath (1909) ; F. J. Haverfield, in the Victoria County History of Somerset (London, 1906), Vol. i, p. 219 fE.
54
THE RUIN
1 Wraetlic is pees wealstan. Wyrde gebraecon ; burgstede burston, brosnaS enta geweorc. Hrofas sind gehrorene, hreorge torras, *hrim geat torras *berofen, hrim on lime,
5 scearde scurbeorge, scorene gedrorene,
seldo undereotone. EorSgrap hafaS
waldend wyrhtan forweorone, geleorone,
heardgripe hrusan, o]> hund cnea
werj^eoda gewitan. Oft ]>?es wag gebad lo rseghar and readfah rice sefter o]?rum, ofstonden under stormum ; steap^
IX geap gedreas wonaS giet se . . . . nura ge X heapen felon grimme
XI gegi'unde?i (15)^ a scan heo
XII g or>onc aer sceaft
XIII g lam rindum beag mod mo
XIV. . . . ry ne swiftne gebreegd (20) hweet red in hringas^
Aygerof gebond
weallwalan wirum wundrum togsedrag.
Beorht waeron burgrseced, burnsele monige, 15 heah horngestreon, heresweg micel,
meodoheall monig mandreama full,
(25) o]? ]7set ]>?et onwende Wyrd seo swij^e.
Crungon walo wide, cwoman woldagas,
swylt eall fornom secgrof wera. 20 Wurdon hyra wigsteal westensta]?olas,
brosnade burgsteall. Betend crungon, (30) hergas to hrusan. For)?on J?as hofu dreorgiaS,
and ]7ses teaforgeapa tigelum sceadeS
hrostbeages hrof Hrjn-e wong gecrong 25 gebrocen to beorgum, J^ser iu beorn monig
glsedmod and goldbeorht, gleoma gefrsetwec?^
^ From this point to 1. xiv my lines correspond to those of the ms.
2 The bracketed numbers are those which appear in most other editions and in references to the Ruin in the dictionaries.
3 From this point to 1. 33 below my lines do not correspond to the lines of the MS.
* em. Conybeare ; gefrxtwecf ms.
65
THE RUIN
Wondrous is this masonry, shattered by the Fates. The fortifications have given way, the buildings raised by giants are crumbling. The roofs have collapsed ; the
towers are in ruins There is rime on the mortar. The
walls are rent and broken away, and have fallen, under- mined by age. The owners and builders are perished and gone, and have been held fast in the earth's embrace, the ruthless clutch of the grave, while a hundred generations of mankind have passed away. Ked of hue and hoary with lichen this wall has outlasted kingdom after kingdom, standing unmoved by storms. The lofty arch has fallen...
Resolute in spirit he marvellously clamped the foundations of the walls with ties. There were splendid palaces, and many halls with water flowing through them ; a wealth of gables towered aloft. Loud was the clamour of the troops ; many were the banqueting halls, full of the joys of life — until all was shattered by mighty Fate. The dead lay on all sides. Days of pestilence had come, and all the warriors were carried off by death.
Their defences became waste places, their fortifications crumbled ; the troops who should have repaired them lay dead on the earth. And so these courts lie desolate, and the framework of the dome with its red arches sheds its
tiles where of old many a warrior, joyous hearted and
radiant with gold, shone resplendent in the harness of
56 THE RUIN
(35) wlonc and wingal wighyrstum scan :
seah on sine, on sylfor, on searogimmas,
on ead, on seht, on eorcanstan, 30 on J?as beorhtan burg bradan rices.
Stanhofu stodan ; stream hate wearp (40) widan wylme. Weal eall befeng
beorhtan bosme^.
XXX {>0er \>a, baj)u wseron ^ hat on hrejjre |)8et waes hy^elic leton })o5fi
XXXI geotan ofer harne stau hate strea
XXXII mas un oj)^ (45) ],aet bring
XXXIII mere hate |)8er J>a ba
XXXIV Jju wseron )?onne is
XXXV re -p is cynelic jjing huse
XXXVI burg
1 From this point my lines correspond to those of the ms.
2 B.M. ivsenon. Only the upper half of seron in wseron is legible in E. B.
3 B.M. So also Schipper in E. B. where the o is no longer visible.
THE RUIN 57
battle, proud and Hushed with wine. He gazed upon the treasure, the silver, the precious stones, upon wealth, riches and pearls, upon this splendid citadel of a broad domain. There stood courts of stone, and a stream gushed forth in rippling Hoods of hot water. The wall enfolded within its bright bosom the whole place which contained the hot flood of the baths
59
VI. THE BATTLE OF BKUNANBURH
This poem is preserved in the Saxon Chronicle sub ann. 937, where it is given by five of the seven extant texts. Of these the oldest is the Parker MS. (173) in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (A). This portion of the MS. is attributed by Warner to c. 960 ^ Of the remaining MSS., all contained in the Cottonian Collection, Tib. A. vi (B) is said* to date from c. 1000 (or possibly later) ; Tib. B. I (C) from about the middle of the eleventh contury' ; and Tib. B. IV (D) from c. 1050-1100*. W is Wheloc's edition of a MS. now almost wholly destroyed (Otho B. xi). This MS. is believed by Plummer to have been based solely on A and to date from some time before c. 1067^, As the basis for the following text, MS. A has been chosen, with the necessary corrections from the other MSS.
The battle celebrated in this poem was one of a series of attempts on the part of the princes of Dublin and their allies to regain the kingdom of Northumbria, which they had held for a few years previous to 927 «. The immediate cause of the battle appears to have been the invasion of Scotland by Aethelstan in 934^ when his army is believed to have penetrated to Forfarshire and his fleet to have reached Caithness^ In 937 the Scots under Constantine II, in alliance with Anlaf, King of Dublin, and Owen (Eugenius*), King of the Britons of Strathclyde, retaliated by invading England. The expedition was met by an English army under
1 Cf. Earle and Plummer, Two Saxon Chronicles (Oxford, 1899), Vol. ii, p. xxvii. Plummer himself would apparently date this (the eighth) hand somewhat earlier.
* lb. p. xxix. 3 11 p, XXX f . ^ lb. p. XXX IT. » lb. p. xcviii f. « It was in this year that Aethelstan expelled Guthfrith (Sax. Chron
E, F).
' 16. E, etc.
^ Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum (Rolls Series), § 107. Cf. id. Historia Dunelmemis Eccleiiue (Rolls Series), cap. xviii. Cf. also Skene, Celtic Scotland (Edinburgh, 1876), Vol. i, p. 3.52.
* William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Rolls Series), § 134.
60 THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH
Aethelstan and his brother Edmund, and defeated at a place called Brunanburh^ Unfortunately none of the authorities give any clear indication as to the position of this place. Many identifications have been proposed, of which perhaps the one most commonly accepted is Burnswark (or Birrens- wark) Hill, near Dumfries-.
The Annals of the Saxon Chronicle for this period are very meagre except where, as here (cf. 942, 973, etc.), metrical pieces are introduced. The most interesting accounts of the expedition which have come down to us are those in the Irish Chronicles. In the Annals of Ulster^ (sub ami. 936) we are told :
'A great, lamentable and horrible battle was stubbornly fought between the Saxons and Norsemen, in which many thousands of Norsemen, beyond counting, were slain. But the King, i.e. Amlaibh [Anlaf] escaped with a few. On the other side, however, a great multitude of Saxons fell. But Aethelstan, King of the Saxons, was enriched with a great victory.'
Tavo years later the annalist refers respectfully to Aethel- stan as ' the pillar of dignity of the Western World.' Further details of the battle are given in the Annals of Clonmac- noise* {suh ann. 931) :
' The Danes of Logh Rie (Lough Ree) arrived at Dublin. Awley [Anlaf] with all the Danes of Dublin and north
1 Brunandun{e) (Aethelweard); i?r««a7i6w?7i (Florence of Worcester); Weon- dun(e), Jitbrunnanwerc or Brunnanbyrig (Symeou of Durham) ; Bruneswerce or Burneweste (Gaimar), Duinbrunde (Pict. Chron.).
2 Cf. T. Hodgkin, Political History of England, Vol. i (London, 1906), p. 335 f. For some accovint of various suggested identifications see Earle and Plummer, Two Saxon Chronicles, Vol. ii, p. 140 f. Ambitious attempts are also to be found in the transactions of various societies, e.g. Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, Vol. xxvi, p. 35 if. ; Associated Architectural Societies^ Reports (Lincoln Architectural Society), Vol. xxviii, Part i, p. 28 ff. etc. In view of the name \Veondun(e) given by Symeon it has been suggested that this battle was identical with the one at Vinheiffr, described in Egils Saga, oh. 52 f.; but a serious difficulty is presented by the fact that the latter is said to have taken place before the expulsion of Eric Bloodaxe from Norway in 935. Egill's dealings with that king, as described in ch. 56 f., were a direct consequence of the death of his brother Th6r61fr, who fell at VinheiSr.
3 Ed. W. M. Hennessy (Dublin, 1887).
* Quoted by O'Donovan in the Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the 'Four Masters, Vol. ii, p. 633, footnote.
THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH 61
part of Irt'land, departed and went over seas. The Danes that departed from Dublin arrived in England, and, by the help of the Danes of that kingdom, they gave battle to the Saxons on the plains of Othlyn, where there was a great slaughter of Normans and Danes, among which these ensueing captains were slain, — viz. Sithfrey and Oisle, the two sones of Sittrick Galey, Awley Fivit [i.e. Olafr Hviti, Anlaf the White] and Moylemorrey, the son of Cossewarra, Moyle-Isa, Geleachan, King of the Islands; Ceallach, prince of Scotland, with 30,000, together with 800 captains about Awley Mac Godfrey (Norse GuSroSr), and about Arick Mac Brith, Hoa, Deck\ Imar, the King of Denmark's own son, with 4,000 soldiers in his guard were all slain.'
The Constantine who left a young son slain on the battle- field was Constantine II, son of Aedh and grandson of Kenneth I (Mac Alpin). He was king of Alba (i.e. Scotland north of the Clyde and Forth) from c. 900-942. Since the days of his grandfather the dynasty had been trying to extend their power into the south of Scotland. He was called in by Aldred and Uhtred, the rulers of Bamborough, to assist them against Ra?gnald in 918, but was defeated by the latter at Corbridge-. He is said^ to have submitted to Aethelstan in 926 ; but hostilities broke out later, and Aethelstan invaded his territories in 934 (cf. p. 59). In 942 he retired and became abbot of the monastery of St Andrews^ His successor, Malcolm I, son of Donald, was in alliance with Edmund'. According to the Pictish Chronicle^ it was said that Constantine had come out of his monastery for a time to fight against Eadred, though others assigned the expedition to his successor Malcolm. This discrepancy will no doubt account for the varying length of reigns assigned to Con-
' This sentence would seem to be a mistranslation. The original is lost.
- Symeon of Durham, Historia de Sancto Cuthberto (Rolls Series), x, §22 ; but cf. the Pictish Chronicle, ed. Skene in Chronicler of the Picts and Scots (Edinburgh, 1867), p. 9, where Constantine is said to have been victorious.
'•' Sax. Chron. D.
■■ Cf. Skene, op. cit., p. 1.51.
» Cf. Sax. Chron. A, sub ami. 9i5.
* Skene, op. cit., p. 10.
62 THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH
stantine and Malcolm in the Scottish records ^ Constantine is said to have died in 952-.
The identity of the Anlaf mentioned in the poem has given rise to a good deal of discussion. The poem itself does not mention his father's name, while the following entries in the Saxon Chronicle (our earliest authority) clearly recog- nise two kings of this name belonging to the same family. Among the Latin historians of the twelfth century we find a curious discrepancy. Symeon of Durham'' describes the leader of the Norse forces in the battle at Brunanburh as the son of Guthlrith, while on the other hand William of Malmesbury* refers to him as the son of Sihtric\ Sihtric (Sigtryggr I) became king of Dublin c. 916 and died in 926®. He had succeeded Rsegnald (Rognvaldr) — his brother or cousin — in York c. 921-5 ^ and entered into an agreement with Aethelstan, whose sister he married, in 925®. On his death' he was succeeded, at least in the north of England, by Guth- frith^" (GuSroSr), who was probably his brother ^\ but the latter was expelled by Aethelstan in 927^-. Later we find two kings called Anlaf reigning (in succession ?) in the north of England. One Anlaf was the son of Guthfrith, the other of Sihtric. The former died c. 942 ^^ This is clearly the Anlaf
1 Cf. Skene, op. cit., p. cxli f. ^ Annals of Ulster, sub ann. 951 (952).
* Hist. Dun. Eecles., Book ii, cap. xvni, sub ann. 934.
■* Gest. Reg. Angl. § 131.
s According to Florence of Worcester (Ghronicon ex Chronicis, ed. Thorpe, Vol. I, p. 132) the Anlaf who fought at Brunanburh was the son-in-law of the Scottish king Constantine ; but he does not identify him with Anlaf Sihtricsson, whom he mentions on p. 134.
6 There appears to be some doubt as to whether he remained king of Dublin till his death. According to the Annals of Ulster, 919 (920) he 'left Dublin through Divine Power.' On this question see Steenstrup, Norman- nerne (Copenhagen, 1882), Vol. iii, p. 17 ; Vogt, Dublin som Norsk By (Christiania, 1896), p. 123.
7 Cf. Sax. Chron. D, sub ann. 923, 925 ; Annals of Ulster, sub ann. 920 (921).
8 Sax. Chron. D.
9 lb. sub ami. 926; Annals of Ulster, sub ann. 926 (927); Ghronicon Scoto- rum (KoUs Series), sub ann. 926.
M Sax. Chron. E, F, sub ann. 927. Fl. of Worces., Mon. Ghron. ex Ghron. Vol. I, p. 130 f.
" W. of Malmesbury, Gest. Reg. Angl. § 734. Florence of Worcester says {loc. cit.) that he was a son of Sihtric; this statement is more difficult to reconcile with the chronology of the two Anlafs, of whom the son of Guthfrith would seem to have been the older man.
12 Sax. Chron. E, sub ann.
1* Sax. Chron. E, snb ann. ; cf. Ghron. Scot., sub ann. 940.
THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH 63
who according to the Saxon Chronicle (D) was accepted as king by the Northumbrians in 941, and subsequently cap- tured Tarn worths He was then besieged in Leicester by Edmund, but came to terms with him. He was succeeded in the North of England by his brother Raegnald and by his namesake Anlaf the son of Sihtric, both of whom were shortly afterwards expelled by Edmund''. Anlaf the son of Sihtric, who is also called Cwiran (Cuaran), made another attempt to establish himself in Northumbria a few years later, but after two or three years he was again expelled'. In Dublin however his reign was long and prosperous, though he was eventually defeated in 980 by Maelsechlainn (Malachy) II, and died the same year as a pilgrim in lona^
From the Saxon Chronicle one would certainly infer that the defeated leader at Brunanburh was the son of Guthfrith — the same man who after Aethelstan's death succeeded in establishing his power over a considerable part of the Mid- lands as well as in the North of England — rather than his cousin and successor, the son of Sihtric. The identification with the latter cannot be traced with any certainty beyond the Norman historians who lived nearly two centuries after the event. Malmesbury, it is true, appears to have had an early Latin authority for this reign ; but his inaccuracy and want of judgment are in general so palpable that he cannot be trusted unless he is evidently reproducing the words of his original.
The evidence of the Irish historians, though not entirely clear^ points to the same conclusion. According to the Four Masters, sub ann. 935 'Amlaeibh [Anlaf], son of Godfrey [i.e. Guthfrith], lord of the foreigners, came at Lammas from Ath Cliath and carried off as prisoners Amlaeibh Ceanncairech from Loch Ribh (Lough Ree),and the foreigners who were with him after breaking their ships.' On their return journey they
1 Sax. Chron., sub ann. 943. -' lb. A, sub ann. 944. Cf. E.
' Sax. Chron. E, sub ann. 949, 952.
* Annals of tlie Four Masters (transl. J. O'DoDOvan, Dublin, 1856), sub ann. 980 ; etc.
" Cf. the confused entries with regard to the plundering of Cill-Cuilind, AnnaLs of Ulster, sub ann. 937, 938, etc. Cf. also War of the Gaedhil with the GaiU (Rolls Series), p. 282.
64 THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH
plundered Clonmacnoise^ ; and Todd suggests^ that the ex- pedition was undertaken with the object of collecting men and supplies for the expedition to England. For it is stated immediately after the above entry that ' the foreigners of Ath Cliath (i.e. Dublin) left their fortress and went to England,' and in ann. 936 (as also in the Annals of Ulster, sub ann. 937) 'Amlaibh, son of Godfrey, came to Dublin again.' It will be seen that this account of Anlaf's movements is quite in accordance with the passage from the Annals of Clonmacnoise quoted above ; but that the annalists were not in entire agreement is seen from the entry in the Four Masters, sub ann. 938 ' A victory was gained by the king of the Saxons over Constantino, son of Aedh ; Anlaf, or Amhlaeibh, son of Sitric; and the Britons.'
This piece has certain characteristics which differentiate it from other Anglo-Saxon poems. Its nearest affinities are clearly with the poem on the Battle of Maldon. Both would seem to have been composed not long after the events with which they deal. Both use the metrical form and the con- ventional terminology of early heroic poetry. But besides extolling the prowess of the leaders whom they celebrate, they are inspired to a considerable extent by national patriotism — a feeling which is wanting in the earlier poetry, and which testifies to the growth of national consciousness in the England of the tenth century.
In other respects there is a marked contrast between the two pieces. Our poem contains no detailed description of the battle and no speeches. On the other hand, the poet has been carried away by the feeling of triumph. He gloats over the discomfiture of the enemy, in a style not unlike that of Laurence Minot^ and even descends to abuse of the old Scottish king (eald inwidda, 1. 46). In spite of these features the poem is by no means a simple unsophisticated song of victory. The most individual feature of its style is the
1 Annals of Ulster (Kolls Series), sub ann. 935 (936).
2 War of the Gaedhil loith the Gaill, p. 281.
3 Cf. (ed. J. Hall, Oxford, 1897), i, 11. 65—80 ; ii, 11. 7—24, etc.
THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH 65
liberality with which the traditional })hraseology of poetry has been employed. Epithets are piled one upon another in a way which renders translation into modern English very dirticult ; and this difficulty is increased by a superabundance of adverbial phrases, e.g. 1. 46 fF. ; 1. 54 ff. ; 1. G6 ff., etc.
It will be seen that the poem contains a number of forms which deviate from the standard (literary) West Saxon language of the time, e.g. geflemed, nede, giung, gelpari, gesleht, hlehhan, ageted. Some of these forms are peculiar to the Parker text, and we might be inclined at first sight to attribute them to the scribe, especially in view of the fact that he has made some obvious mistakes ; but this is probably not the true explanation. Such irregular forms do not occur in the preceding and following annals in the Paxker text, and there are enough of them in the texts of the poem contained in the other three MSS. to render it more than probable that they come from the original. Their com- parative infrequency in the three later texts is therefore probably due to correction. We may notice also in this con- nection the occurrence of words of Scandinavian origin, e.g. diennede (O. N. dynja), 1. 12 ; cnear (O. N. knorr), 11. 35, 58 ; and more particularly the intransitive use of the verb lecgan in 1. 22, which is common in early Norse, but of which the Anglo-Saxon dictionaries give no other instance. These con- siderations, as far as they go, would seem rather to point to the Danelagh as the home of the poet — a supposition which is hardly disproved by the national character of his sympathies. In any case the reader can hardly fail to be struck by the resemblance — in tone as well as in subject matter — between this poem and that on the Battle of Hafs fjord, p. 90 below.
66
THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH
Her ^l^elstan cyning, eorla dryhten,
beorna beahgifa, and his broj^or eac,
Eadmund sepeling, ealdorlangne tir
geslogon set ssecce^ sweorda ecgum 5 ymbe Brunnanburh. Bordweal clufan,
heowan heaJ>olinde, hamora lafan^
afaran* Eadweardes, swa him gesepele wees
from cneomsegum pa, hie set campe oft
wip la))ra gehwsene land ealgodon*, lo hord and hamas. Hettend^ crungun,
Sceotta leoda" and scipflotan
fffige feollan. Feld dsennede'^
secga swate^ siS)?an sunne up
on morgentid, msere tungol 15 glad ofer grundas, Godes condel beorht,
eces Drihtnes, otS® sio^" sejjele gesceaft
sah to setle". peer Iseg secg ma^nig
garum ageted^^ guma^^ nor]>erna"
ofer scild scoten, swilce Scittisc eac 20 werig wiges^^ saed^*^. Wesseaxe^' forS
ondlongne dseg, eorodcistum"
on last legdun la]?uni J?eodum,
heowan herefleman^^ hindan J>earle
mecum mylenscearpan^". Myrce ne wyrndon 25 heardes^^ hondplegan ha?le)ja nanum
pse^ mid Anlafe ofer sera gebland^*
• secce D ; geslogan set sake B. ^ lafum B, C, D.
s eiiforan B, D ; aforan C. * geaUiodon D.
5 he ted D. " Scotta leode B, C, D.
7 dennade B, C; dennode D; dijnede W. » B, C, D; secgas hwate A.
9 ^ B. 10 S20 B, C; sd D. ^^ smtle J).
12 forgrundcn B. ^^ guman B, C, D. '* norfferne, B, C; norpxrne D.
^^ wigges B, C. i** rajrf D. i^ WestsexeB; WessexeC; Wenseaxe J).
'8 andlangne dmg cored cystavi B, C, D.
i« here flyman B; here flymoti (J ; h eor a flyman T> ; hereflimanW. *•> mylen scearpuru B, C; mycel scearpum D. 81 B, C, D; he eardes A; heordes W. 22 /e W; para de B, C ; para pe D. 23 ^ar gebland B, C. D ; geblond W.
67
THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH
In this year King Aethelstan, lord of knights and liberal rewarder of warriors, and his brother, Prince Edmund also, won undying glory by the edge of the sword in battle at Brunanburh. With their hammered blades the sons of Edward clove the serried bucklers, and hacked the shields of linden wood, for with them it was an instinct inherent in their family always to defend their country, their treasure, and their homes in battle against every enemy.
The foemen were laid low, the warriors of the Scots and the host from the ships fell doomed. The field was flowing with the blood of men from the time when the sun, that glorious star, the bright candle of God, the Lord eternal, rose on high above the horizon in the morning hours — until that noble being sank to its rest. There lay many a warrior, men of the North, torn by the spear, shot over their shields ; and many a Scotsman too lay lifeless — they had had their fill of battle.
All day long the West Saxons with troops of horse pressed on in pursuit of the enemies' forces. Fiercely they cut down the fugitives from behind with swords sharpened on the grindstone. Nor did the Mercians refuse hard fighting to any of the warriors who in the ship's bosom had followed Anlaf over the tossing waters to our land to meet their doom in
5—2
68 THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH
on lides^ bosrae land gesohtun,
faege^ to gefeohte. Fife Isegun
on pam campstede cyninges^ giunge^ 30 sweordum aswefede, swilce seofene eac
eorlas Anlafes, unrim^ heriges
flotan and Sceotta^ Dser geflemed'' wearS
NorSmanna bregu^ nede gebeded®,
to lides stefne litle weorode. 35 Cread^" cnear on" flot^^ cyning^^ ut gewat
on fealene" flod feorh generede.
Swilce ]?aer eac se froda mid fleame com
on his cyppe nor5 Costontinus^^
bar'*' hildering". Hreman ne j^orfte 40 msecan^* gemanan. He^^ waes his ma^ga sceard,
freonda gefylled on folcstede-",
beslagen-^ aet ssecce, and his sunu forlet
on wffilstowe wundun forgrunden^^,
giungne^^ set gu5e. Gelpan-* ne porfte 45 beorn blandenfeax-^ bil geslehtes-*^,
eald inwidda^^ ne Anlaf ]?y ma
mid heora herelafum hlehhan ne j^orftun
|j8et hie^^ beaduweorca beteran wurdiin
on campstede cumbelgehnades^^ Sogarmittinge^" gumena gemotes
wsepengewrixles )?8es^^ hi on wselfelda
wij> Eadweardes afaran'^ plegodan.
Gewitan him pa NorSmen n^gledcnearrum^^,
dreorig daraSa laf on Dinges^^ mere 55 ofer deop^ wseter Difelin'''^ secan
1 li^es C. 2 fage D. ■* -gas B, C, D. ^ geonge B, C ; iunga, D.
6 7 unrivi C. 6 Scotta B, C, D. ^ geflymed B, C, D. ^ 5^^^^ g^ q j^ 9 gebsRded B, C, D; iieade geb. C, D; nyde W. ^° creat D.
^1 B, C, D; cnea ren A. ^^ flod D. ^^ cyning...flod om. D.
i-i fealone B, C. i^ Constantinus B, C, D. i« lial D. ^^ h. rinc, B, C, D.
18 mecea B; meca C; mecga D. ^^ her B, C. "" on his folcstede C.
21 forslegen B; beslegen C; beslasgen D. -- B, C, D;/er- A.
23 'geongne B, C, D. ^4 ^j^^pan B, C, D, W. 25 .jga; g^ c.
26 geslihtes G, D; -slyhtes B. ^7 inioitta B, C; inwuda D.
2« B ; fti C, D; ^eo A. 29 culbod-, superscribed !;ei cumbel- A;
cuvibol gehnastes B, C, D. 3" mittunge D. =*! ^^^ ^^ j)
32 eaforan B ; aforan C. *^ negled C ; rf£E(; ^ZedZ o/j garum D.
3* dynges B; dinges C; dyniges D; Dinnes W. ^* deopne D.
3« Dj^ejf B ; DyflinC; Dyflig D.
THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH G9
battle. On the field of battle lay five young kings stretched lifeless by the sword, and with them seven of Anlaf's earls and a countless host of seamen and of Scots. There the prince of the Northmen with but a small following was com- pelled by irresistible force to flee to the prow of his ship. The king's bark was launched in haste, and he made his way out over the grey waters and saved his life.
There also the aged Constantine, the grey-haired warrior, set off in flight to his country in the North. No cause had he to exult in that clash of arms. He was bereaved of his kins- men and friends, who had been cut down in the struggle and lay lifeless on the field of battle. On the place of slaughter he left his young son mangled by the blows he had received in the conflict. No need had the hoary knight — the old scoundrel — to exult in the clash of swords. As little cause had Anlaf : no need had they to gloat — they and the remnants of their hosts — over their superiority in martial deeds upon the field of battle, when the standards came into collision, when spear met spear and man encountered man and blade was crossed with blade — as they competed with the sons of Edward on the field of slaughter.
Then the sorry remnant of the Norsemen, who had escaped the spears, set out upon the sea of Dinge in their nail-studded ships, making for Dublin over the deep waters. Humiliated
70 THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH
eft Iraland\ aewiscmode.
Swilce J7a gebro]?er^ begen setsamne^
cyning and a3|7elmg cyppe sohton,
Wesseaxena land, wiges hreamige^ 60 Letan him behindan hrae bryttian^
saluwigpadan* ]?one sweartan hrsefh
hyrnednebban'' and pane base wan padan^
earn aeftan hwit seses brucan
grsedigne guShafoc" and pset grsege deor 65 wulf on wealde. Ne wearS wael mare
on J>is eiglande^" aefre" gieta
folces gefylled^'* beforan )>issum
sweordes ecgum, )>8es pe us secgaS bee,
ealde uSwitan, si]?)?an eastan hider 70 Engle and Seaxe up becoman
ofer brade^^ brimu Brytene sohtan
wlance wigsrai]7as Weal as ^^ ofercoman
eorlas arhwate eard begeatan.
1 B, C, D (Yra- C, D) ; 7 eft hiralandA. 2 broffor C. 3 hegemtrunneD. * hreniige B, C, D ; a superscribed e in A.
5 hrawbryttigeanBihrabrittiganC; hrabryttingaD ; hrmfn B7-yttian\N ; m of hrm superscribed w in A.
6 salo- B, C, D. ' hyrnet- T>.
8 7 ^one hasu (haso B) padan (wad- D, W), B, C, D. » cuff- D.
i» eglande B, iglande C, D. " B, C, D; mfer A. 12 afjjlledB.
13 B, C, D ; brad A ; brymum brad W. " B, C, D ; loealles A.
THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH 71
in spirit thoy returned to Ireland. The two brothers also, the King and the Prince of the English, both together returned to their country, the land of Wessex, triumphing in their victory.
Behind them they left a heap of carnage to be shared by *he black raven with its dusky plumage and hooked beak, and the dun-coated white-tailed eagle — a feast to be enjoyed by the hungry hawks of battle, and by that grey beast, the volf of the forest.
Never in this island before now, so far as the books of our ancient historians tell us, has an army been put to greater slaughter at the edge of the sword, since the time when the Angles and Saxons made their way hither from the east over the wide seas, invading Britain, when warriors eager for glory, proud forgers of battle, overcame the Welsh and won for themselves a country.
72
NORSE MANUSCRIPTS
Norse MSS. which consist wholly or mainly of poetry are few in number, and with the exception of those which con- tain the poems of the Edda they are of comparatively little importance. Most of the early poems which have survived, including the pieces contained in this volume, owe their pre- servation to the fact that they have been incorporated b/ way of quotation in prose works of a much later date. One consequence of this is that the great bulk of Norse poetrj has come down to us in a fragmentary state. Very often we have only single strophes of what were probably poems of considerable length. Sometimes again we are left in doubt as to whether the passages quoted are complete poems or merely extracts.
The remains of Norse poetry of the ninth and tenth cen- turies are preserved chiefly in historical works of the thirteenth century, most of which were written in Iceland. Perhaps the most interesting of these is the Heimskringla of Snorri Sturluson (d. 1241), a history of the kings of Norway from the earliest times to 1177. The same author also wrote an account of the diction of poetry (Skdldskaparindl) in his Prose Edda, and here also a very large number of quotations from early poets are preserved.
At one time the number of vellum MSS. containing sagas and other prose works was very considerable. They were written for the most part between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries ; not a few dated from the middle of the thirteenth century and were thus almost contemporary with the rime when historical writing was at its best. Unfortunately a very large number of these MSS. were destroyed in the great fire in the University Library at Copenhagen in 1728^ We are therefore largely dependent for our knowledge of such works upon paper copies of these MSS., which were made in the 1 Cf. p. xi, above.
NORSE MANUSCRIPTS 73
sovontoenth centurv. Fortunately, owing to the zeal dis- played by Scandinavian scholars during that period, those are numerous, and for the most part evidently written with great care. It is the practice of Scandinavian scholars to call the paper MSS. by the names of the vellums from which they are copied, and which are now preserved only as a few shrivelled leaves, when they survive at all.
It will be convenient here to give a short account of the MSS. of the historical work from which the four following pieces are derived.
I. Fagrskinna. The University Library at Copenhagen is known to have possessed two vellum MSS. of this work — A and B — both of which were burnt in 1728. The name Fagrskinna (' Beautiful Vellum '), which is due to Torfaeus, belongs properly only to the former of these MSS. (which is believed to have been written in the early part of the four- teenth century) though it is now generally applied to the work itself. B, of which a small fragment remains, appears to have been much earlier, and was probably written about 1250. It is known to have come to Copenhagen from Bergen some time between 1610 and 1728. Upon the paper mss. which are derived partly from A, partly from B, we are almost wholly dependent for our knowledge of the Hrafnsmdl and the Eiriksmdl. They contain also the Battle of Hafs- fjord and the Hdkonarmdl str. 1 — 7, and 19 — 21.
II. Heimskringla (H), Snorri's History of the kings of Norway (see above). This work is preserved in an imperfect form in a number of paper MSS. descended from a MS. known as Kringla (K), which appears to have been written c. 1260, as well as in certain vellums of which the most important are the Codex Frinavus (F) and the Jofrskinna (J), both written about 1325, and both far from complete.
III. The Flateyjarbdk (Fl.), with which may be classed certain other texts published in the Forn-Manna Sogvr (F. M. S.). The Flatei/jarhdk, like the Heiviskringla, contains sagas of the kings of Norway, but these sagas are for the most part much longer than those contained in the Heimskringla, and it is clear that the compiler has frequently incorporated
74 NORSE MANUSCRIPTS
many shorter independent narratives in recounting the lives of the kings. Thus the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason virtually contains the history of Norway and much of the history of Iceland and Denmark down to King Olaf 's own times.
The first folios of the Flateyjarbok were written in the year 1387, but according to the editor^ the greater part of the text seems to be of somewhat earlier date, probably between 1370 and 1380. It was taken from Iceland in 1662 by Torfaeus as a present from Bishop Brynjolf Sveinsson to King Frederick III, and is now in the Royal Library at Copenhagen. Previously to that date it is known to have been in the possession of a family who had dwelt on the Island of Flatey in BreitSifjor6r since the fourteenth century.
The text of the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason contained in the Forn-Manna Sogur (ed. Copenhagen, 1825) Vols, i-ili is based on a vellum Arn. Magn. No. 61 which presents a text very close to the Flateyjarbok. The editors also used the Flateyjarbok itself as well as several MSS. nearly related to it.
In general the text of the poems preserved in these MSS. is hardly better than that of the Anglo-Saxon poems — for which, as we have seen, we are for the most part dependent upon a single MS. It is to be remembered however that the former poems were not written down until some two or three centuries after their composition, and that the language in which they are preserved is that which was current in Iceland or in Norway in the thirteenth century. This frequently spoils the metre of the poems ; in particular Norwegian MSS. often fail to show the alliteration, since certain initial sounds had disappeared in the language of Norway by the thirteenth century. Scandinavian scholars usually publish the poems in a form of language which is substantially that of the earliest Icelandic MSS.
In the Hrafnsmdl and the Eiriksmdl I have followed the orthography of the only text (Fagrskinna) in which these poems are preserved, with a few exceptions which will be noted in due course. The texts of the other five poems are derived very largely from seventeenth century (paper) copies 1 C. K. Unger (Christiania, 1860—1868), Vol. i, p. ii f.
NORSE MANUSCRIPTS 75
(often minu'rous) of lost Mss. It has been the custom to base the printed editions on a colhition of the surviving vellums and of these paper Mss., which often preserve a better text than the vellums ; but not many complete transcripts of individual MSS., whether vellum or paper, have been published. As the orthography of the various mss. differs to a certain extent, it has been the custom for editors of such conflate texts to normalise, though there is some difference between the systems adopted by the various editors. I have followed, except in the two poems above mentioned, the orthography employed in the poems contained in the sagas published by SigurSur Kristjansson at Reykjavik, as I think this system is probably the one most familiar to English readers.
It should be observed that the language of the Fagrskinna, which is Norwegian of c. 1250, differs in a few respects from the Icelandic of the same period. The chief points to notice are: (1) x stands (as in Anglo-Saxon) for a short as well as a long vowel, generally corresponding to Icelandic e, as in smgi;
(2) oey corresponds to Icel. ey, as in hceyra ; (3) initial h- is lost before I and r, as in IfjiSi 7nngherendr ; (4) a is regularly preserved before u in the following syllable (as in fagrum, tjorgha&om), owing to the absence of labial umlaut ; (5) ^ and n are doubled before d (as in late Icelandic texts such as the Flateyjarhok), e.g. Harallde, lannd. c is often written for k, V for (internal) /, and e, o for i, u respectively in unaccented syllables, but these features are also found in early Icelandic MSS.; gh is sometimes written for (internal) g.
I have added the initial h- before I and r to show the alliteration, but in other respects I have not departed from the orthography of the Fagrskinna^, though it must be remembered that this represents the language of a period nearly four centuries later than the time of Hornklofi.
1 Except that, as elsewhere, (1) i and j, u and v are distinguished re- spectively according to their modern usage, (2) o is distinguished from o, and
(3) accents are inserted to mark the lonR vowels. The Fafirskinnn does not mark accents, while the usage of the earlier Icelandic mss. is inconsistent in this respect.
76
VII. THE HRAFNSMAL
With the exception of Bragi Boddason who is believed to have lived in the early part of the ninth century, the earliest Norwegian poets whose names have come down to us in connection with existing works are those who were attached to the court of Harold the Fairhaired. Harold is believed to have been bom c. 850, and to have succeeded his father Halfdan in the kingdoms of Vestfold (in the south- east of Norway) and Sogn (on the west coast) when he was about ten years of age. In the course of the next twelve years he subdued the whole of Norway, which had previously contained a considerable number of kingdoms. His last great battle was the naval action in the Hafsfjord, off Stavanger, in 872, when he encountered and defeated the confederate kings of the south-west.
Among the best known of the poets in Harold's train are Thj6?!olfr of Hvin and Thorbjorn Hornklofi. The former was specially honoured by the king, and entrusted by him with the upbringing of one of his sons. Two of his longer works have survived, of which one is the Ynglingatal, a genealogical poem in which he traces the ancestry of a certain Rognvaldr — apparently a first cousin of Harold — back to the early kings of Sweden and the god Freyr. Another work of the same poet is the Haustlong, which celebrates various adventures of the gods with the giants. In addition to these, a number of strophes are attributed to him in the prose histories of Harold's reign, as well as in Snorri Sturluson's Prose Edda. Many of these strophes are however assigned to Hornklofi by other authorities^
Of Thorbjorn Hornklofi little is known. In the Fagrskinna, eh. 2, he is described as an ' old friend of kings-,' and it is
1 The frequent confusion of these two poets is believed to be partly due to the practice of writing an initial letter in mss. in place of the full name. p would stand for either ThjoSdlfr or Thorbjorn (Hornklofi). Cf. F. J6nsson, Den Oldnorske og Oldislandske Litteraturs Historie (Copenhagen, 1894), Vol. I, p. 431.
- A similar expression is applied to Thjo^olfr in the Flateyjarbok, Vol. i, p. 567.
THE HRAFNSMAL 77
stilted that he had been familiar with court life from his childhood. In the Sk-dlda Saga\ ch. 1, he is said to have had an influential relative in the Uplands called Hrolfr Hnetja — father-in-law of Earl Rognvaldr of Mcere, and grandfather of Hrolfr (Rollo), the first earl of Normandy. He is mentioned also in an interesting passage in Egils Saga, ch. 8, which incidentally would seem to indicate that the praise which Hornklofi bestows upon the king for his treatment of his court poets was not undue : ' Of all the men of his retinue King Harold showed most honour to his poets, and the second high-seat was assigned to them. Here in the first place'- sat AuSun Illsktt'lda. He was the eldest of them and had been the poet of Halfdan the Black, the father of King Harold. Next to him sat Thorbjorn Hornklofi, and next again Olvir Hnufa. Next to the last named a seat was assigned to BarSr.' The Skdlda Saga gives an account of a discreditable adventure which befell the first three of these on one occasion. To atone for it they had to undertake a dangerous mission to Sweden.
Portions of at least two of Hornklofi's poems have come down to us, in addition to some detached strophes attributed to him in the Prose Edda. Of these longer pieces one was known as the Glymdrdpa. It is in the common skaldic metre called Drottkvxd'i, and contained apparently a general survey of Harold's expeditions and battles. The second is the piece given below. With the exception of two strophes it is preserved only in the Fagrskinna. Strophe 6 however is quoted also in the Heimskringla {Saga of Harold the Fair- haired, ch. 16), and strophe 13 also in the Flateyjarbok, Vol. I, p. 568 (and Forn-Manna Sogur, Vol. x, p. 179), though here it is attributed not to Hornklofi but to AuSun. No name is given to this poem by any of the early authorities. By modern scholars it has been variously called Hraf)isiiidi\ Haraldsmdl* and Haraldskvie^i^.
The metre used in this poem is chiefly the Mdlahdttr,
' Forn-Manna Sogur, Vol. iii. - Lit. 'inmost,' i.e. farthest from the door.
•* J. SigurSsson, Snorra Edda, Vol. iii, p. 41u.
* Moebius, Edda Samundar kins Fro6a (Leipzig, 1860), p. 228.
' Wisen, Carmina Norrana (Lund, 188G), p. 122.
78 THE HRATNSMAL
which is found also in certain poems of the Edda, e.g. the Atlamdl and portions of the Atlakvi&a and the Ham&ismdl. Strophes 10 — 15 are partly in Ljo&ahdttr. For this combina- tion we may compare the Hdkonarmdl and the Eiriksmdl. In strophes 8 and 15 we have Fornyrd'islag — the metre used in most of the narrative poems of the Edda and practically identical with that of the Anglo-Saxon poems.
The setting of the poem is somewhat peculiar. It consists of a dialogue between a valkyrie and a raven ^ in which the latter tells the former many interesting details about the warriors of King Harold and the life spent by various classes of people at his court. It is not at all certain that the poem is complete. Strophes 1 — 6, which clearly form the beginning of a poem, are quoted by the Fagrskinna on pp. 6 — 9^ strophes 7 — 11 on pp. 9 — 11, strophes 12, 13 on pp. 11, 12, and strophes 14, 15 on p. 12, the quotations being separated by short prose passages. Some strophes may have been omitted between the quotations and possibly also at the end.
In Skdldskaparmdl, ch. 2, there is a single strophe quoted which previous editors have generally regarded as forming a part of the Hrafnsmdl :
Valr la par a sandi, vitinn^ enum eineygja
Friggjar faSmbyggvi ; fognuSum daS slikri^
There lay the dead on the strand, allotted to Frigg's
one-eyed husband. Our hearts were gladdened by such
doings.
The subject of fognu&um is not stated. The use of the word in this connection would be applicable to ravens, and consequently would not be out of place in the Hrafnsmdl ; but it is to be observed that Snorri himself cites ThjoSolfr of Hvin, not Hornklofi, as the author.
Two further fragments have generally been regarded as
1 We may compare the Serbian poem on Kraljevic Marko which is com- posed in the form of a dialogue between a Vila and an eagle (Karadzic, Srpske Narodne Pjesme, Vol. ii (Vienna, 1875), p. 328 £f.).
' The references are to b\ Jonsson, Fagrskinna (Copenhagen, 1902-3).
» K ; vitt Cod. Worm.
* The notes to this strophe and the two strophes on p. 79 below will be found on p. 181 below.
THE HRAFNSMAL 79
forming u part of the Hrafnsindl. They arc found in the Flatei/jarbolc, Vol. I, p. 576 (and Forn-Manna Sugar, Vol. X, p. 194 f.). The second one occurs also in ih. Vol. i, p. 42 (and Forn-Manna Sogur, Vol. I, p. 7) and in the Heimskringla {Saga of Harold the Fairhaired, ch. 21). They are as follows:
1 Annat skulu pxr eiga ambattir Ragnhildar, disir draniblatar, at drykkjunuilum,
an seis hergaupur es Haraldr of hafi sveltar valdreyra', en verar J>eira bra^S.
2 HafnaSi Holmrygjum ok HorSa meyjum, hverri enni Heinversku ok Holga- gettar* konungr enn kynstori, es tok konu Danska.
1 Those haughty dames, the handmaidens of Ragnhildr, shall have something else to relate over their cups than that ye wolves have been stinted of the blood of slaughter by Harold and feasted by their husbands.
2 The king of noble lineage turned away the maidens of the Holmrygir, and of the HorSar, and all those of HeiSmork, and of the stock of Helgi, when he took a Danish wife.
These strophes, like the last, are in the Mdlahdttr, and the second of them is attributed to Hornklofi by the Heims- kringla, together with the Flatei/jarbok, Vol. i, p. 42, and the Forn-Manna Sogur, Vol. I, p. 7 ; but they are both assigned to ThjoSolfr in the Flateyjarhok, Vol. i, p. 576 {Forn-Manna Sogur, Vol. X, p. 194 f.). All that one can say with safety is that they might, not inappropriately, have formed a portion of the Hrafnsrndl.
The majority of scholars, following the suggestion of Munch and Unger^ believe that the piece given on p. 90 below
• F.M. S. Vol. XII, p. 226; valdreyrgar Flat.; valdreyrar F. M.S. Vol. x, p. 195.
2 F.M.S. Vol. I, p. 7; Ilalga K; Holga Fris. ; kaljya J 1; holda F.M. S. Vol. X, p. 195 ; Flat. Vol. i, p. 576.
^ H'''trda...mttar, Haralldr meyium \ liverre hinn(e) hmversku \ hilmir nor- rmne Flat, i, p. 42.
* Oldnnrsk Lwsebog, Chnstian\&,18i7, p. HI. This does not however appear to have been the view of Nygaard who in Udvalg af den Norroiu' Litcratur (Bergen, 1875), p. 316 f., printed the piece given on p. 90 below as a separate poem under the title of Slaget i Havemjjord.
80 THE HRATNSMAL
originally formed part of the Hrafnsmdl; and in modern editions this piece is usually inserted between strophes 6 and 7. It is in the same metre (Mdlahdttr) as the Hrafnsmdl and is generally assumed to be by the same author; but the external evidence gives little support to this view. Of the three works in which it is preserved, two, the Fagrskinna and the Flateyjarhok, attribute it to ThjotJolfr. It is only in Snorri's Heimskringla that Hornklofi is given as the author ; and Snorri himself in the Prose Edda {Gylfaginning, ch. 2) quotes one of the strophes as by ThjoSolfr. The chief argu- ment for believing that the two poems were originally one is that the opening of the Hrafnsmdl leads one to expect the description of a battle, though what is actually preserved deals in the main with the king's life in times of peace. The poem ma}'^ originally have contained some account of a battle or of Harold's prowess in warfare ; but it does not necessarily follow that this was the piece on the battle of Hafsfjord, even if the latter is Hornklofi's work^
It has indeed been urged ^ that King Harold's wars, with the exception of the battle of Hafsfjord, are treated in the Glymdrdpa, and that this battle was omitted here because it had already been celebrated in the earlier poem : it was not the custom for Norse poets to deal with the same incident on more than one occasion. But no one doubts that the Glymdrdpa, as we have it, is incomplete ; we cannot tell what it contained originally. It is quoted in the Heimskringla in connection with the two battles at S(51skel and with Harold's adventures in Gotaland ; but the Fagrskinna gives it in connection with the battle of Hafsfjord. In point of fact the references to naval battles — especially in Norway — which it contains are scarcely of such a character as to enable us to identify them with certainty. Again it seems
^ Finnur J6nsson urges [Ben Oldnorske og Oldislandske Litteraturs His~ torie, Copenhagen, 1894, Vol. i, p. 432) that 'it is exceedingly improbable that Thorbjorn should have composed two poems, both in the same metre (Mdlahattr), and both in the same (dialogue) form, between the same characters ' ; but there is nothing to show that the same characters (i.e. the raven and the valkyrie) are involved here ; and the opening word (heyrU'i or Jitzyritu) is scarcely sufficient to show that the poem was iu dialogue form at all.
- Finnur J6nsson, op. cit., Vol. i, p. 430.
THE HRAFNSMAL 81
to me that the amount of historical poetry of this period which has come down to us is scarcely sufficient to prove that the poets never dealt with the same events on more than one occasion. Negative evidence should I think be used with special caution, more especially when we are con- sidering a poem like the Glymdrdpa which is in the nature of a retrospect covering the events of a number of years. And lastly, I cannot help thinking that it is a somewhat strange assumption that a poet who was in Harold's service for some twenty or thirty years, as is believed S should have composed only two poems in honour of the king during the whole of that period.
I do not mean of course to deny the possibility that the two pieces given here belonged to the same poem. But I think that the reasons hitherto given for combining them are insufficient. The author of the Fagrskinna had clearly no suspicion that the two poems were connected. The Hrafnsmdl is quoted in full under Hornklofi's name (' as the poet Homklofi says ' etc.) on p. 6 ffi, some time before the mention of the battle at Hafsfjord. When this battle comes to be mentioned the poem on it is introduced wdth the words ' As the poet ThjoSolfr of Hvin says.' At the end the writer adds: ' Hornklofi speaks of this battle as follows,' and with that he goes on to quote the Glymdrdpa. It seems to me preferable therefore to give the two poems separately and let the reader form his own opinion as to their relationship.
The text of the poem as given below is based on the paper copies of MS. B as printed by Finnur Jonsson in his edition of the Fagrskinna (Copenhagen, 1902-3). The readings of the surviving copies of A have sometimes been adopted in preference however, and the principal variant readings of all these paper MSS. (A 1 — 2, B 1 — 2) have been indicated in footnotes. Where A 1 — 2 and B 1 — 2 are in agree- ment respectively the letters A, B have been used without figures.
' For the date of the Glymdrdpa, cf. F. Jonsson, Den Oldn. og Oldisl. Litt. Hist. Vol. I, p. 429 f.
THE HRAFNSMAL
I jETlySi /iringberendr meSan ec fra Harallde ssegi^ odda^ ij?r(5ttar^ enom avarauSgha^; fra malom man ec sgegja J^aeim er ek moey hoeyrtSa hvita haddbjarta er viS hramn doemde^
' 2 Vitr^ p6ttez valkyrja ; verar ne varo
psekkir feimo'' enni framleito er fuglsrodd kunni. Cvadde en kvaerkhvita oc en gloegghvarma* Hymiss hausroeyti^ er sat d horne^" vinbjarga" : 3 ' Hvat er ySr, Aramnar, hvaSan evop er comner meS drseyrgu nefi at degi anndvaerSum ? Holld loSer ySr i kl6m, Arses )?8efr gjsengr^^ 6v muni; nser hygg ec y3r" i nott bjoggu" pvi er vissuS^^ at naer^^ liggja.' i' 4 RcByfSizk hinn hbsQaSri oc um hyrnu }?erSi, ■ arnar" seiSbroSer, oc at annsvorum hugSi : /' (^ 'Harallde ver fylgSum, syni HalfSanar, j •; ungum Ynglingi^^ sISan or asggi comom. 1
5 Kunna hugtSa ec^® l^ic konong myndu ]?ann er^ a Kvin-
num-i byr, drottenn NorSmanna. Djupum rseSr hann kjolom, roSnum rondum, rauSum- skjolldura, tjorghaSom^^ drom, tjolldum drifhum-1
6 Uti vill jol drecca ef seal seinn ratJa
fylkir enn framlyndi, oc Froeys laeik hsefja-^ Ungr Iseiddiz elldvelli^ oc inni sitja^, v: varma dyngju eSa vattu diinsfulla^*.'
1 ec . . .ssegi B : seghi ec A. - oddi A. ^ iprottir A.
* hinum avarau&gha A; enom harfagra B. ^ rsedde A. ® Vig B.
"^ em. von Friesen ; psekkir suamo enne framsotto B ; peckirren {-rfen A 2) nonn hinni framleito A so v. Friesen; -ren (-rfen A 2) no hinni F. Jonsson.
8 glaeg- A; gleegg arma B. » A, Al ; so also Arni Magniisson's correction in B 1-2 ; roya A 2 ; raeya B.
^" hormum A. " B; hjarga A. '- gjcengr yd'r A. ^^ yifr om. A.
" B ; hjuggud A. i^ vissu B. ^^ nser B; ndr B 1-2, A.
I'' A ; annar B. '^ ecflingi A. i* om. B. ^^ pannz A.
21 kymnum A. ^'' oc r. A. ^^ tjorgum B. -^ oc drifnum skjoldum A.
25 hevja A ; heyja A 1 ; H, F. -6 .pgm g . .yigi F.
27 at sitja A, H, F. ^8 -fula B.
83
THE HKAFNSMAL
1 Hearken, noblemen, while I celebrate Harold the magnifi- cent and his feats of arms. I will tell of the words which I heard spoken by a maiden fair and golden haired as she held converse with a raven.
2 The valkyrie prided herself on her wisdom ; — and the warlike maid took no pleasure in men, for she knew the language of birds. With white throat and sparkling eyes she greeted the skull picker of Hymir as he sat on a jutting ledge of rock,
3 'How is it with you, ye ravens? Whence are ye come with bloody beak at the dawning of day ? Torn flesh is hanging from your talons, and a reek of carrion comes from your mouths. I doubt not that ye have passed the night amid a scene of carnage.'
4 The sworn brother of the eagle shook his dusky plumage, wiped his beak, and thought upon his answer :
'We have followed Harold, the son of Halfdan, the youthful scion of Yngvi, ever since we came out of the egg.
5 ' I thought that thou wouldst know the king who dwells at Kvinnar, the lord of the Northmen. He has under his command deep ships with their reddened stripes and crimson shields, tarred oars and foam-besprinkled awnings.
6 ' If he shall have his own desire the resolute-hearted prince will drink his Yule at sea and play the game of Freyr. Even in his youth he showed no inclination for the fireside and indoor life, the warm bower or pillows stuffed with down.'
6—2
J-\
84 THE HRAFNSMAL
I 7 ' Hversso er hann^ fegjavaP Jjseim er folld vserja, '^ itra 6gnflytr vi5 i)?r6ttarmenn sina ? '
8 ' Mjok ero rceyfSir r6gbirtingar, )7aeir er i Harallz tiini hunum vaerpa ; i f^ ero )?eir goeddir^ oc fagrum msecom*, malme Hiinlenzkum oc mane austroeno. -
:. 9 Da ero ]?sBir rseifir er vitu* romo vasne, "1 orvir upp at hlaupa oc arar at svaegja^ ■:■ I, homlur at brjota en hae at slita^ c^ rikulega^ hjgg ^c \k vorru )?oeysa at visa raSe.'
■ lo 'At skallda reiSo^ vil ec \\q, spyrja, allz )7u j^ykkis skil vita ; Greppa ferSir-" \vi mannt" gorla kunna, l^aeirra er meS Haralldi hafaz.'
11 'A gjaerSum^^ sdr J>8eira oc a gullbaugum
at ]?aeir ero i kunnlseicum viS konong. Felldum^^ ra?5a J?8eir rauSum oc vel faghrrendaSom^S *• ', sverSum silfrvofSum, saerkjum hringofhom, ' : gylltum annfetlum oc grofnom^^ hjalmum, - ' Aringum handberom, er ]>8eim Haralldr valde.' b
12 'At bersserkja rseiSu vil ec spyrja^**, bsergir Arsessevar ; hversso er fenget^^ J?seim er i folk vaSa,
vigdjorfum verom ? '
13 'UlfheSnar^* hseita, ]78eir er i orrostu"
bloSgar rander bera ; vigrar rjdSa er^" til vigs coma,
j?8eim er )?ar sist saman. , ArsaeSesmonnum seinum, bygg ec, ]7ar undir felaz^^ 7 - ( skyli s4 en skilvisi )?8eim er i skjolld hoggva^.' C'
1 B 1-2 ; >a« B ; om. A. --gjafaB. ^ }>essheSnir'S,. ^mmtumA2.
6 vita B. * sveighja A. "^ om. at B. ® reeiku- B. 9 roedo B»
^<* far er A. n vmnt A. ^- georcfum A.
1^ oc skjoldum A ; oc skj- A 2. ^^ om. oc vel, and vdffom rondum B.
15 grrcE?)?<m B. " pik spyrja K. i'' A; per fengocfB.
18 tJ ; >eir A and om. after h. i^ B (orras^/), F. M. S. x, p. 179, Fl. :
orrostum A. 20 pa er A. -^ >«?• hssfa at standa F. M. S., Fl.
-2 />ds skatnar skilvisir i skj'dld hoggva F. M. S. , Fl.
THE HRAFNSMAL 85
7 ' What of the generosity which he shows to those who guard the hxnd, the martial leader amid his splendid champions ? '
8 ' Very magnificent is the life enjoyed by the glorious cham- pions who play chess in Harold's court. They are enriched with money and with splendid swords, with the metal of Himaland and with girls from the East.
9 ' Their spirits are high when they know that there is a prospect of battle. Eager are they to leap up and bend their oars, to break the oar loops and split the tholes, to churn up the waters with mighty strokes, as I can aver, at the command of their prince.'
lo ' I should like to ask thee of the position of the poets, since thou hast confident knowledge : full well thou must know the troops of bards who dwell with Harold.'
1 1 ' Their connection with the king is apparent from their apparel and their jewels. They possess cloaks of scarlet with magnificent borders, swords bound with silver, coats of woven mail, gilded baldricks and graven helmets, bracelets on their wrists — all of which have been be- stowed on them by Harold.'
12 ' I should like to ask thee of the position of the berserkir, thou taster of the carrion flood ; what provision is made for the martial heroes who march to battle ? '
1 3 ' Wolf-coats are they called who bear bloody shields in battle. They redden their spears when they come to the fight, and then they act all in a body. I doubt not that it is only upon men of tried valour who fight without flinching that the wise king will rely on such occasions.'
86 THE HRAFNSMAL
7 14 'At Iseicarum oc triiSum^ hsefi ec J^ic lit freget; hvaerr er oergati J^seira AnndaSar at htisum Harallz?'
•/ 15 'At hundi selskar AnndaSr- — oc hseimsku drygir- oeyrnalausum, oc jofur hlcegir. - Hinir ero oc aSrer er um aelld sculu
brennanda spon bera ; logandum hufum hafa^ ser undir^ linda drepet
hseldrseipir^ haler.'
1 trupo A. " om. A 2. ^ jiafa pser B 1-2. * und A.
5 hel- A.
THE HRAFNSMAL 87
14 ' I have neglected to ask thee of the jesters and jugglers ; what cheer have AndaSr and the rest at Harold's court ? '
1 5 ' AndaSr fondles his earless dog and plays the fool and makes the prince laugh. There are others too whose task it is to carry burning chips through the fire. The skipping fellows have their blazing hoods tucked under their belts.'
88
VIII. THE BATTLE OF HAFSFJORD
The subject of the following poem^ is the Battle of Hafsfjord, the final and decisive action by which Harold the Fairhaired succeeded in establishing his power over the whole of Norway. Previously to this he had conquered the district of Trondhjem, and then in the two battles at Solskel he had defeated and killed or expelled the kings of Moere (M^re), Raumsdalr (Romsdal), and the FirSir (i.e. the region round the Nordfjord). The whole of the coast down to and including the Sogne^ord was now in his possession. The only kings who retained their independence were those of the south-west — HorSaland, Rogaland, Ag?5ir, and Thelamork, corresponding approximately to the present provinces of South Bergenhuus and Christiansand, and these in alarm formed a confederacy against him. In 872 Harold proceeded from Trondhjem southwards, and encountered the allied forces in the Hafsfjord near Stavanger.
Several accounts of the battle have been preserved. Among these we may mention specially those contained in Egils Saga, ch. 9, arid the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired {Heimskringla), ch. 18. According to the former there assembled ' a great host from inland and from the eastern districts, on the Bay,' led by Eric, King of HorSaland, Sulki, King of Rogaland and Earl S6ti his brother, Kjotvi the Wealthy and Thorir Haklangr, both from AgSir^, and others. Egils Saga gives a somewhat detailed account of the leading men who fought on King Harold's ship. In the prow were Th6r61fr Kveldulfsson, the poets BarSr the White and Olvir Hnufa, and Ey vindr Lambi ; and in the forecastle were Harold's twelve berserkirl The
1 For tbe question of the possible connection of this poem with the Hrafnsmdl, cf. the introduction to that poem, p. 79 ff. above.
2 There appears to be a discrepancy between Egils Saga and the Heims- kringla. In the former Th6rir is called King of Ag^ir, while Kjotvi's position is not specified. In the Heimskringla Kjotvi is called king and Th6rir is said to be his son.
3 Cf. also the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired {Heimskringla), eh. 9.
THE BATTLE OF HAFSFJORD 89
account given in the HeiinskHngla is evidently derived very largely from the poem. Thus it is stated that the fleets met oft" JaSarr in Hafstjord. Harold was victorious, and the leaders of the allies were killed except Kjotvi, who fled to an island, ' using it as a shield.' The host was scattered, some escaping by ship, others 'inland through JaSarr.' The subjects of the diff"erent kings submitted to Harold after the battle, and his power was now established over the whole of Norway.
The question of the date of the poem is to some extent bound up with the question as to the relationship between it and the Hrafnsmdl. The reference to Utsteinn in strophe 3 might seem to suggest that it was composed some time after the battle, since this place is mentioned as one of Harold's favourite residences in his later years S and it could hardly have come into his possession before the conquest of HorSa- land and Rogaland. But the five strophes by themselves convey the impression of a song of victory, like the poem on the battle of Brunanburh, and it may be that Harold had taken up his quarters temporarily at IJtsteinn after the battle. If the place had previously been a residence of the kings of Rogaland this would be natural enough, and the references in the poem would then gain in significance.
The poem on the battle is preserved in several different works — the Fagrskinna, pp. 16 — 18, the Flateyjarhok, Vol. i, p. 574 (together with Forn-Manna Sogur, x, p. 190 ff.) and the Heimskringla, Saga of Harold the Fairhaired, ch. 18 (including the Codex Frisianus", p. 48). In the Fagrskinna and the Flateyjarhok it is attributed to Thj6i561fr of Hvin, in the Heimskringla to Thorbjorn Hornklofi. Strophe 5 is also found in Gylfaginning, ch. 2. The text given below is based in the main on Kringla (cf. p. 73 above), but the chief varia- tions in the readings of the MSS. have been pointed out in the notes below.
1 Saga of Harold the Fairhaired {Heimskringla), ch. 37. Cf. also Howorth, Saga Book of the Viking Club, Vol. ix, p. 172, with reference to G. Storm's paper on the battle of Hafsfjord.
^ Ed. C. R. Unger, Christiania, 1871.
90
THE BATTLE OF HAFSFJORD
1 HeyrSu^ i HafrsfirSi hve hizug- barSisk konungr enn kynstori* viS Kjotva enn auSlagSa^ ; knerrir kdmu austan, kaps^ um lystir*^
me6 glnondum hofSum ok grofnum tinglum.
2 HlaSnir varu'' holSa ok hvitra skjalda*, vigra vestroenna ok Valskra sverSa ; grenjiit5u berserkir, gu5r vas' ]>eim a sinnum, emjuSu ulfheSnar ok Isorn duSu".
3 FreistuSu ens framrdSa es J?eim flyja" kendi, allvalds^- austmanna, es byr at Utsteini ; sto'Sum^^' Nokkva bra stillir^^ es hanum vas styrjar
vseni^^ ; hlommun vas a hlifum, a3r Haklangr felli.
4 Leiddisk pa. fyr Liifu landi at halda
hilmi enum halsdigra; holm let s6r at skjaldi.
Slogusk und" sess]7iljur^^ es sarir varu,
letu upp stjolu stiipa^^, stungu i kjol hofSum.
5 A baki 16tu blikja — barSir varu grjoti — Svafnis" salnsefrar seggir hyggjandi — CBstusk austr kylfur-" — ok um JaSar hljopu^^ heim or HafrsfirSi, ok hugSu a mjoSdrykkju.
^ hceyrSu A, B ; heyrffi Fl. ; heyr&ir JmIl,F, 2 hraustliga FI.
3 F, H, A i-e) ; kynstorB; kostsami J 1. ^ A, B, H ; auffga F.
5 haps J 1 (J 2). 6 fylldr J (-ir J 2). ^ v. Peir K, J 1, A, B, Fl.
' hvitum skjoldum Fl.
» K, J 1, A,' (gnmr v. /.) B ; v(ar)J:> F ; g. es J^eim hUf&i Fl. 1* J 1 ; glumffo K ; gullu F; isar iarn (om. B) dudii A, B ; isarn hitu Fl. ^^fylgja F. i^ F, A, B; -vast J 1, 2; -valldr K.
13 em. F. J6n88on ; stolf'om K ; stodum J ; stauSom F ; stoffu nokkvar Fl.
14 H, A, B, F; steindir Fl.
1^ H, F, A, B ; h. v. s. vanz B ; er stillir dtti enn styrjar nenni Fl.
i« F, A; undir K, J 1, B. »7 g^ss um J^iljur Fl. i* stufa J 1 ; standa FL
1* B; svafins A; svaulnis F; svolnis Ups.
2" J 1 (-^ci/i/r J 2) ; austkylpor K; aud'kylfor F ; austr Fl. (om. /c.).
2i Jaif'arbygif'ir Fl. (om. oft).
91
THE BATTLE OF HAFSFJORD
1 Hearken how the king of noble lineage fought yonder in Hafsfjord against Kjotvi the wealthy. A fleet came from the east, with gaping figure-heads and carved beaks — impelled by desire for battle.
2 They were laden with warriors and white shields, with spears from the West and swords from France. The ber- serks were howling, the 'wolf-coats' were yelling, and swords were clashing : their warfare was in full swing.
3 They made trial of the resolute monarch of the men of the east, who dwells at Utsteinn. — He pointed them the road to flight. The king brought out his ocean steeds when he had a prospect of battle. There was a clashing of shields ere Haklangr fell.
4 Then the thick-necked chief showed no inclination to maintain his land against the Shock-head. He used the island as a shield. Those who were wounded thrust them- selves under the benches, arching their backs and pushing their heads down into the keel.
5 The prudent warriors took care to cover their backs with glittering shields — the shingles of Othin's hall — as they were pelted with stones. Their prows were in headlong flight towards the east, and homewards from HafsQord they fled by way of JaSarr, with their minds set on the meadcups.
IX. THE EIRIKSMAL
Harold the Fairhaired is said to have resigned the throne when he was eighty years of age (i.e. about the year 930) to his son Eric {Eirikr Blo'd-oxy. The new king was not popular, and in the year after Harold's death (934) a rival claimant to the throne appeared in the person of Haakon, one of Harold's youngest sons (cf. p. 101). In the following year Eric had to leave the country. He is said to have first made his way to the Orkneys, where he received a friendly reception from the sons of Torf Einarr. After this, according to all Norse authorities, he was placed by Aethelstan in charge of the Northumbrian kingdom, and fixed his residence at York-. Under Aethelstan's successor, Edmund, he was displaced by a rival named Olaf and took to harrying the neighbouring lands. Eventually he was killed in battle against Olaf, and with him there fell two of Torf Einarr's sons and five other princes ^
The Norse tradition regarding the life of Eric after his departure from Norway is not entirely to be trusted. English records know nothing of his presence in Northumbria under Aethelstan, though as the annals of the time are very meagre, their silence is not conclusive. What the English authorities make clear, however, is that Eric became king of Northumbria, apparently on two separate occasions, during the reign of Eadred (not Edmund)'*. He was twice expelled by Eadred, and it would seem that in the interval the North- umbrians were governed by Olaf Cuaran, King of Dublin. For what happened after Eric's second expulsion we have no contemporary authority, and the exact date is uncertain. Symeon of Durham says^ that Eiricus, the last king of North-
1 Cf. the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired {Heimskringla), ch. 41. - Cf. the Egils Saga, ch. 59 ; the Saga of Haakon the Good {Heimskringla), ch. 3; Fagrskinna, ch. G.
^ Cf. the Saga of Haakon the Good (Heiimkriugla), ch. 4. ■» Cf. Saxon Chronicle, sub ann. 948, 954 D ; 952, 954 E. * Historia liegum (Rolls Series), Vol. ii, § 159.
94 THE EIRfKSMlL
umbria, was driven out and killed by Maccus, the son of Anlaf. Thereupon the Northumbrians submitted to King Eadred who gave the province to Earl Osulf. Matthew Paris, who wrote three hundred years after these events, but who evidently had access to authorities now lost, states^ that King Eilricus was treacherously slain, with his son Haericus and his brother Reginaldus, in a desert called Steinmor, by the ' Consul ' Maco, through treachery on the part of Earl Osulf.
The Anlaf mentioned by Symeon of Durham is doubtless the Olaf who is said in the Norse authorities to have killed Eric, and we have no reason for doubting that he was the famous Olaf Cuaran"^. But the affair in which Eric lost his life would seem to have been an ambush rather than a battle. Perhaps on resigning the throne he had been given a safe- conduct by Earl Osulf of Bamborough, who had subsequently betrayed him to his enemy. The scene of the massacre was evidently on the Roman road from York to Carlisle, not far from Kirkby Stephen. It may be observed that though the English authorities give no hint of a real battle, they confirm in two cases the evidence of the sagas as to the persons killed I
In the Fagrskinna, ch. 7, it is stated that the poem which follows was composed at the request of Queen Gunnhildr, Eric's widow, who retired to the Orkneys and resided there for some time after Eric's death*. Subsequently the Queen with her sons made her way to Denmark, where they received protection from Harold Blue-tooth, and whence they made frequent attempts to wrest the kingdom of Norway from Haakon.
The poem is obviously incomplete. Of the author nothing is known, though we may doubtless assume that he was one of Eric's followers. It may have been composed in Orkney shortly after the news of the disaster became known ; at all events it can hardly be many years later, since Eyvindr Finnsson's Hdkonarnidl (cf p. 104 ff. below) is evidently modelled on it.
1 Chronica Majora (Bolls Series), Vol. i, sub ann. 950.
2 Cf. p. 62 fif. above.
2 I.e. Harekr and Rognvaldr. Cf. the Saga of Haakon the Good (Heims- kringla), ch. 4. * Ih. ch. 5.
THE EIRfKSMAL 95
Finnur Joiisson has pointed out^ that the anthorwas familiar with the diction of the Edda poems. Cf. str. (j* with Voluspd, str. 41-; str. 6- with Udvamdl, str. l^ 38^ Fdfnismdl, str. 24'; str. 7* with Hdi'barpsljdp, str. 9*, Vafprupnismdl, str. 31 The metre of the poem is the Ljdtfahdttr except in str. 1, which is in the Mdlahdttr.
With the exception of strophes 1 and 2 this poem is pre- served only in the Fagrskinna"- (cf pp. 73 tf. and 81, above), and indeed only in those MSS. which are derived from the later of the two vellums (A). In the MSS. derived from B there is a lacuna at this point. The first five lines are preserved also in the Skdldskaparmdl, ch. 2.
^ Den Oldnorske og Oldislandske Litteraturs Historie (Copenhagen, 1894), Vol. I, p. 452.
" Ed. F. J6nsson (Copenhagen, 1902-3), pp. 28—30.
96
THE EIRIKSMAL
1 'Hvat er J^at^ drauma-,' qvaS OSenn, 'er ek^ hugSumk
firi dag litlu^ ''
^) Valholl riSja^ firi vegno folki ? b (. Vacta ec einherja, baS ec uprisa '^
becki at strd, borSkaer® at lytJra, '■''
valkyrjur vin bera, sem visir come. :
Er mer'' 6v heimi hollda vanir
gofgra noccora, sva er mer glatt hjarta. ^
2 ' Hvat J^rymr ]7ar, Bragi, sem j^usund bivizt
e]?a msenge til mikit ? ' ' Braka all beccj?ili sem muni Balldr coma eptir i 6sins sale.'
3 ' Heimsco msela,' qvaS Osinn, ' scallt ]?u, hinn horski Bragi,
]>6 at J?u vael hvat vitir. Fyr ^iriki* gly™r, er her mun inn koma jofurr i 63inns sale.
4 ' Sigmundr oc Sinfjatli, risit snarlega,
oc gangit i gogn ^ grame ; inn ]?u bj6S ef ^irikr se ;
bans er mer nu v6n vituS.' ^
5 ' Hvi er J?er -^iriks von,' kvaS Sigmundr, ' hselldr enn
annara kononga ? ' ' pvi at margu lannde,' sagSe OSenn, ' harm hevir maeki roSet,
oc bl(55oct svaerS borit.'
6 ' Hvi namt J?u hann sigri )?a er J^er J?6tti hann snjallr
vera ? '
' J?vi at ovist er at vita,' sagtJe OSenn, ' ser ulfr enn hosve a sjot goSa.'
1 pet k2. 2 dcBina Cod. Sn. E 757. ■' om. Cod. Sn. E 757.
* risa Codd. Sn. E. ^ riiti A2; a added above the line in A.
« Cod. Ups. ; horkar A. '' me A 2. The r has been added later in A.
8 em. Munch and Unger ; Jiirlkr iis. ^ em. Munch and Unger ; gongo A.
97
THE EIRIKSMAl
1 What dream is this ? ' said Othin, 'a little before daylight I thought I was preparing Valholl for a slain host. I was awakening the einherjar, and bidding them rise up and cover the benches and cleanse the beakers — I was bidding the Valkyries bring wine as if a prince was coming. I have hope of some noble heroes from the world ; so my heart is glad.
2 ' What uproar is that, Bragi, as if thousands were in motion — an exceeding great host approaching ? '
'All the timbers of the benches are creaking as if Balder were coming back to Othin's abode.'
3 ' Surely thou art talking folly, thou wise Bragi,' replied Othin, 'although thou knowest everything well. The noise betokens the approach of the hero Eric, who must be coming here into Othin's abode.
4 ' Sigmundr and Sinfjotli ! Arise quickly and go to meet the prince. If it be Eric, invite him in ! I have now con- fident hope that it is he.'
5 ' Why dost thou hope for Eric rather than for other kings ? ' asked Sigmundr.
' Because he has reddened his sword in many a land,' re- plied Othin, ' and carried a bloodstained blade.'
6 ' Why hast thou robbed him of victory when thou knevvest him to be valiant ? '
' Because it cannot be clearly known,' replied Othin : — ' The grey wolf is gazing upon the abodes of the gods.' K. ' 7
98 THE EIRfKSMAL
7 ' Hseill pd nu, Mirikr,' kvaS Sigmundr, ' vael scalt pu.
her kominn !
oc gack i holl, horscr ! Hins vil ec J>ic fregna : hvat fylgir per jofra fra egg J?rymu ? '
8 ' Konongar eru v,' sag]?! Eirikr, ' ksenni ec per nofn^
allra ;
ec em hinn setti sjalfr.'
1 em. Munch and Unger; namfn A.
THE EIRfKSMlL 09
' Hail now to thee, Eric ! ' cried Sigmiindr, ' Welcome shalt thou be here! Enter our hall, wise (prince) ! One thing I would ask thee : What heroes attend thee from the roar of battle ? '
' There are five kings (here),' said Eric, ' I will make known to thee the names of all. I am the sixth myself.'
7—2
101
X. THE HAKONARMAL
Haakon I, commonly called the Good, was one of the youngest, if not the youngest, of the sons of Harold the Fair- haired. The circumstances of his birth and death are curiously picturesque. He is said^ to have been born on a rock (called ' Haakon's Rock '), on the shore where the ship, on which his mother was travelling to visit King Harold, was anchored for the night.
While still a child, Haakon was sent to England where he was brought up as a Christian by Aethelstan. Whatever may be thought of the details of the story as given in the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired (Heimskringla), ch. 39, there is no need to doubt the main fact. Harold's relations with Aethel- stan are recorded also by William of Malraesbury^.
In the year after his father's death (cf. p. 93 above), Haakon made his way to Norway, and, before twelve months had elapsed, succeeded in expelling his brother Eric (in 935). He reigned prosperously for over twenty-five years, and was an exceedingly popular king, though his efforts to introduce Christianity proved a failure. Towards the end of his reign, several attempts were made at conquest by the sons of Eric*. On the last occasion, as King Haakon was being entertained at Fitje in the Island of StorS (Stordo), news was brought that a mighty fleet was at hand. The king armed himself in his corselet, and girt himself with his sword Quernbiter; he put a gold helmet on his head, took up his shield and halberd, and proceeded to array his men. A fierce fight now took place.
' King Haakon was more easily recognised than other men and his helmet glittered when the sun shone on it. The fray wiis very fierce around him. Then Eyvindr Finnsson took a hood and drew it over the King's helmet, whereupon one of
1 Saga of Harold the Fairhaired {Heimskringla), ch. 37.
2 Gesta Regum Anglorxim (Rolls Series), i, § 135.
' Cf. the Saga of Haakon the Good {Heimskringla}, ch. 19, 21 f., 28 f.
102 THE HAKONARMAL
the enemy cried loudly: "Is the King of the Norwegians hiding, or has he fled? Where has his golden helmet vanished ?' " '
Haakon's foes were routed, but the king received his death- wound in the battle. He set sail the same night for his house AlreksstaSir, but soon grew exhausted from loss of blood, and asked to be put ashore. He landed at ' Haakon's Rock,' and by a strange coincidence is said to have died on the spot on which he had been born^
According to the Saga of Haakon the Good (Fagrskinna), ch. 11, the Eyvindr Finnsson mentioned above 'made a poem on the death of King Haakon, and modelled it on that which Gunnhildr had had made for King Eric... and he relates in the poem many things which occurred in the battle.' The poem here referred to is the Hdkonaymdl. Eyvindr was a member of King Haakon's retinue, being indeed his grand- nephew, and a great-grandson of Harold the Fairhaired. He fought by Haakon's side throughout the battle at Fitje, and it is curious that he tells us so little in his poem of what actually took place. He was surnamed Skdldaspillir, ' the Plagiarist,' and there is rough justice in the nickname ; for the Hdkonarmdl is in form obviously a close and frank imitation of the Eiriksmdl, while his other chief poem, the Hdleygjatal, which has only come down to us in fragments, is just as evidently based on the Ynglingatal of Thj6S61fr of Hvin''.
Yet Eyvindr is no mechanical copier of other poets. There is a difference of tone between the Eiriksmdl and the Hdkonarmdl ; and though the former is incomplete, it is not likely that the Hdkonarmdl is indebted to it for its spirit of reflection and note of regret for the things that have passed away. Indeed it would seem that the poem is as much inspired by hostility to Harold Greycloak, Haakon's successor, as by loyalty to Haakon himself Especially is this noticeable in the last four strophes of the poem. Strophe 18 reads like a direct challenge to Harold who, with his two brothers,
1 Saga of Haakon the Good (Heimskringla), ch. 30, 31.
2 lb. ch. 32.
3 According to Olrik (The Heroic Legends of Denmark, transl. L. M, Hollander, New York, 1919, pp. Ill, 175 f. and pass.), the first part of the Hdkonarmdl (e.g. str. 5) contains reminiscences also of the Bjarkamdl.
THE HAKONARMAL 103
' broke open the sanctuaries, destroyed the images, and earned thereby great hatreds' Equally double-edged arc strophes 19 and 20, while in strophe 21 Eyvindr applies the melancholy roHections of the Hdvamdl (str. 76 f.) to the famine and <Hstress which prevailed in the land after Haakon's death.
There are moreover several points of detail in which the Hdkonarmdl differs from that portion of the Eiriksmdi which has come down to us. In the latter it is Sigmundr who questions 0th in as to why he has robbed Eric of victory. In the former the question is put by Haakon himself and strikes a querulous note. — ' Surely we have deserved victory of the gods ! ' Further, in strophes 15 — 20 one is tempted to suspect that Haakon is entering Valholl with some misgiving. He does not appear to trust the gods. — ' We will keep our armour in our own possession... It is well to have one's gear to hand.' Finally, in strophe 21 Eyvindr's own dis- satisfaction is clearly expressed. The Eiriksmdi is a vivid picture of the triumphal entry of Eric into Valholl. In the Hdkonarmdl the note of triumph is sounded in a minor key, and the reader is almost more conscious of the personality of Eyvindr than of Haakon himself.
Like the Eiriksmdi, the Hdkonarmdl is composed in a combination of Mdlahdttr and LjoMhdttr. The latter is used in strophes 1 and 2, and from strophe 9 (3) to the end of the poem, while the Mdlahdttr is used for the description of the battle in strophes 8 — 8.
The whole poem is preserved in the Heimskringla (K, J, F), and strophes 1 — 7 and 19 — 21 also in the Fagrskinna (cf. p. 73 above). The text given below is based in the main on Kringla (cf. p. 73 above) but the chief variations in reading are pointed out in the notes.
* Cf. the Saga of Harold Greycloak (Heimskringla), ch. 2.
104
THE HAKONARMAL
1 Gondul ok Skogul sendi Gautatyr
at kjosa um konunga, hverr Yngva settar skyldi meS OSni^ fara ok 2 i ValholP at* vesa.
2 BroSur fundu pser^ Bjarnar i® brynju fara,
t konung enn kostsama, kominn und^ gunnfana ;
driipSu dolgraar^ en darraSr" hristisk, upp vas )>a hildr um hafiS.
3 Het a Haleygi'" sem" a Holmrygii^ c jarla einbani'^ f6r til orrostu.-
t Gott hafSi enn gjofli" gengi NorSmanna '^ oegir^* Eydana, stoS und^^ arhjalmi^''. '
4 Hrauzk 6t hervaSum^^ hratt^^ a vol! brynju visi^" ver5ungar-S dSr^ til vigs toeki^. ^ Lek vis IjotSmogu^*, skyldi land verja -' gramr^ enn glaSvaeri ; — stoS und^ gullhjalmi^. -
5 Sv4 beit J>a sverS 6r'^^ siklings hendi vaSir VafaSar, sem i vatn-^ brygt5i. BrokuSu broddar^", brotnuSu skildir^^ glumruSu^" glyrahringar^ i gotna^ hausum^.
6 Troddusk^" torgur fyr Tys ok bauga^'' »' hjalta harSfotum hausar NorSmanna. **' R6raa varS i eyju, ruSu konungar^ ;."
:. skfrar^' skjaldborgir i skatna bloSi. '
1 oj^in J (1). 2 om. J (1), A, B. ^ -hollu J (1).
* om. F. 5 K^ A, B ; funno /r J (1), J (2) ; /. /^{ar) F.
6 or F. ^ undir B, unnd A, vHf" F.
^ em. F. J6nsson ; dolgrdr K; dolqur F; dolgarar J (1) ; dolgar A, B.
9 darrar J (1) ; durr vorDr ristizk B. ^^ Holmrygi J (1).
11 F, A, B; sems K. 12 Sd er her kallar J (1). '-^ -dani F.
w F, J(l), A; gofgi K,B. ^^ A; oeyger B ; jii^fr F; egir J (1); ey^/r K. 16 undir A, B. i'' (7uW- F; haom- B. i^ herfotum B. i9 re« A.
20 K, J (2), A; vis J (1); ?7?s(rB. 21 varD'avgar k; vmrif'unga B.
22 at^r en B. ^* fce/cfz K. -* -mangu B, A, A (2) ; maugu A (1).
25 pram K; 3!/^! Skdldskap. ch. 64. ^6 ^. undir B.
27 L6k...gullhjdlmi occurs also in Sknldskaparmdl, ch. 64. -** i B.
as vam o/F. ^o irykudo odd{ar) J (1) ; brakaif-u b. A, B.
SI skill(ir) F. '- glaumroif'o F ; glumD'rad'u B ; ghimff'u A.
3» K, F ; gylfringa J (1) ; -par A, B. ^4 jo^^^ j (i) 35 haustum B.
*6 Traud'ad'u A, B. ''' ui^'' tj/^s o/" (tysvin A) vallde A, B.
38 _^rar margir F. 2* sHra B.
105 THE HAKONARMAl
1 Gondul and Skogul wore sent by Gautatyr to choose a king of Yngvi's race, who should go to join Othin and dvvoll in Valhr.ll.
2 They found Bjorn's brother arraying himself in coat of mail ; the noble king was stationed beneath his standard. Deadly shafts were descending and the dart was quivering. The battle had now begun.
3 He called on the men of Halogaland and likewise upon them of Rogaland, he who had dealt slaughter to earls, as he marched to battle. A brave force of Northmen had the generous prince. — In helmet of bronze he stood, a terror to the Danes.
4 Leading his chosen band he cast off his raiment of battle, flung his mail-coat to the ground before he began to fight. In helmet glittering with gold the joyous prince stood and sported with the sons of the host. His part it was to guard the land.
5 Then did the sword in the hero's hand pierce VafotSr's garments as if it had been whisked through water. Spear- heads were shivered and shields rent. The resounding steel clashed on the skulls of warriors.
6 Targets and skulls were crushed by the blade of the generous ruler of the Northmen. A tumult arose in the island as the king reddened the bright serried shields with the blood of warriors.
106 THE HAKONARMAL
7 Brunnii beneldar i^ bloSgum undum, lutu^ langbarSar at lySa fjorvi, svarra?5i s4rgymir^ a sverSa nesi,
fell floS fleina i fjoru StortJar^
8 Blendusk^ viS roSnuw^ und randar himni Skoglar veSr, 16ku viS sky^ um bauga ; umSu oddlar i 0(5ins veSri,
hne mart manna fyr msekis straumi.
9 Sdtu J?a doglingar meS sverS um togin, meS skarSa skjoldu ok skotnar^ brynjur; vasa sa herr i hugum ok" atti
til Valhallar vega.
10 Gondul J?at maelti — studdisk geirs skapti. —
' Vex nil gengi goSa, es Hakoni^** hafa raeS her mikinn heim bond" um boSit.'
11 Visi p&t heyrSi hvat valkyrjur mseltu
masrar af^^ mars baki ; hyggiliga 16tu ok hjalmaSar satu*^ ok hofSusk hlifar fyrir.
12 ' Hvi )?u sva gunni,' kva?5 Hakon, ' skiptir, Geirskogul" ?
Varum pd verSir gagns fra goSum.' ' Ver J?vi voldum,' kvat5 Skogul, ' at J?u velli helt^^ en J?inir fiandr^^ flugu,'
13 ' Ri?5a vit mi skulum/ kvaS en rikja Skogul,
' groenwa^^ heima goSa, OSni at segja at nti^^ mun allvaldr koma ^^" hann sjalfan^" at sea.'
1 F and J (1) omit this strophe from i blnff'gum...Stord'ar. 2 j^n^ ^^
^ -gymis A ; avaratt'e siorgymiier B.
* Strophes 8—18 are omitted in the Fagrskinna.
^ F. omits this strophe; J (1) omits vi!^... straumi.
6 em. Munch and Unger; roU'narK. ^ em. Munch and Unger; skysK.
8 skorn{ar) F. 9 F ; er B, i" hakon F. 11 bpndr F.
12 a J (1). i» satu J (1) ; stoif-o K, F. " i gmr J (1).
15 em. F. J6nsson; hellz K, F; hellzt J (1). i« Jiandm{enn) F.
1^ em. Munch and Unger ; gr^na K, F; grona J (1). J8 F; her K. ^^ F; ok K. 20 k, F ; sialfr J (1).
THE HAKONARMAL 107
7 The swords raged like blazing fire in bloody wounds. The halberds stooped to draw the life of men. The blood gushed forth upon the swords like the sea breaking upon a headland ; a torrent of gore was shed upon the shores of Storth.
8 Skogul's gales raged in confusion beneath the reddened canopy of the shield, her clouds rolled around the bucklers. The waves of blood roared in Othin's gale, and hosts were overthrown by the tide of gore.
9 Now the prince was sitting with sword drawn, with shield cleft and mail-coat pierced ; in no cheerful mood was the host which was making its way to Valholl.
10 Then said Gondul as she leaned upon the shaft of her spear: 'Now will the forces of the gods be increased, since they have summoned Haakon with a great host to the divine abodes.'
1 1 The prince heard what the noble valk3a'ies were saying. Thoughtful was their mien as they sat on their steeds, with helmets upon their heads, holding their shields before them.
12 'Why hast thou thus decided the battle, Geirskogul ?' asked Haakon ; ' Surely we have deserved victory of the gods ! ' ' We have brought it about that thou hast won the day,' replied Skogul, 'and that thy foes have fled.'
13 ' Now must we both ride,' said the mighty Skogul, ' to the green homes of the gods, to tell Othin that a monarch is coming to enter his presence.'
108 THE HAKONARMAL
14 ' HermdSr ok Bragi,' kva3 Hroptatyr,
' gangit5 i gogn grami, pviat^ konungr ferr, sas kappi J^ykkir, til hallar hinig.'
15 Rsesir J?at maelti — vas fra r6mu kominn,
stdS allr i dreyra drifinn : — ' IlltiSigr mjok- ]?ykkir oss* OSinn vesa, sjam^ ver hans um hugi.'
16 ' Einherja^ griS skalt pd allra hafa,
l^igg ]fu at Asum ol. Jarla bagi, pu att inni her atta broeSr,' kvaS Bragi.
17 'Gei-Q'ar varar/ kvatS enn g6t5i konungr,
' viljum ver sjalfir® hafa; hjalm ok brynju skal hirSa vel, gott es til gors'' at taka.'
18 pa pat kyndisk, hve sa konungr hafiSi
vel um l^yrrat veum, es Hakon baSu heilan koma raS oil ok regin.
19 GoSu doegri verSr sa gramr um borinn,
es ser getr slikan sefa ; hans aldar mun se vesa at g65u getit.
20 Mun obundinn a yta sjot
Fenrisulfr um^ fara,
aSr jafngoSr a auSa troS
konungmatSr® komi.
21 Deyr fe, deyja fra^ndr,
eySisk land ok laS ; siz" Hakon for" meS heiSin goS, morg es J>j65 um )?jaS.
1 K, J (1) ; alls F. ^osF. 3 om. F. ■• K, J (1) ; s'la F. ^ Enhveria J (1). « sialfr J (1). 7 gors K; geyrs F, J (1). * 0/ F ; om. K, J (1).
9 K, F ; konungr J (1). i" sizt K, J (1) ; siti F. "J; om. K, F.
THE HAKONARMAL 109
14 ' HeriiioSr ami Bragi,' said Hroptatyr, 'go ye to meet the prince ; for there is coming to our hall a king who has proved himself a hero.'
15 Then spake the prince who had come from the tumult, and stood all drenched with blood. — ' Othin has shown himself very hostile towards us. We are afraid of his displeasure.'
16 ' No harm shalt thou get from any of the Einherjar,' said Bragi ; ' Accept ale from the JEsir ! Foe of Earls, thou hast eight brothers in our abode.'
17 ' We will keep our armour in our own possession,' said the brave king ; ' helm and mail-coat must be well guarded. It is well to have one's gear to hand.'
18 Then it was made manifest, when all the divine council bade Haakon welcome, how that king had dealt reverently with the sanctuaries.
19 A prince who gains for himself such a character is born under a happy star; his life will ever be held in good report.
20 The wolf of Fenrir will be let loose upon the homes of men before so good a prince shall succeed to his vacant place.
21 Cattle are dying, kinsfolk are dying, land and realm are laid waste, and many people have been reduced to bondage since Haakon passed away to the heathen gods.
Ill
XL THE DAKRADARLJOD
This poem is preserved in the Njdls Saga, ch. 157. It follows immediately on the account of the battle of Clontarf \ which was fought on Good Friday, 1014, between Brian Borumh, the high-king of Ireland, and SigurSr, Earl of Orkney.
The accounts of the battle preserved in Norse and Irish literature are singularly full and interesting^ According to the Njdls Saga (ch. 154) the battle had its origin in the desire of KormlotS, the mother of Sigtryggr Silken-beard, King of Dublin, to be avenged on Brian Borumh, to whom she had formerly been married. To accomplish this end, she sent her son to SigurSr, Earl of Orkney, and to Br<53ir, a Viking chief coasting off the Isle of Man, bidding him offer any terms to gain their assistance. Taking her at her word Sigtryggr promised his mother in marriage to each of them without informing the other, and thus obtained their aid. There is no reason for questioning the truth of this story; but it is to be noted that according to Irish authorities it was Brian who took the offensive, and an attack was no doubt expected from him.
The Irish forces came up on Palm Sunday, but the battle did not take place till the Friday. According to Njdls Saga, ch. 157, this was because BroSir had ascertained by witchcraft that if they fought on Good Friday King Brian would fall but gain the victory ; but if they fought before that day the battle would prove fatal to all who were against him^ Accord- ing to the Irish accounts^ the two armies met on the morning of Good Friday and the battle opened with a single combat.
' The Story of the Irish War contained in ch. loi ff. is connected only in the loosest way with the rust of the saga, and is believed to have been taken from a lost Brjnns Saga which was used also in ThorsteinsSar/a Sid'uhabsonar (cf. F. Jonsson's ed. of Urennu-Njdh^aga (Halle, 1908), pp. xxxtl.). Thor- steinu, son of Hallr a SiSu, is said to have been present at the battle tof^ether with Hrafn the Red, and it is possible that the story of the battle was derived ultimately from them.
- Cf. Njdh Saga, ch. 156, 157; Thorsteins Saga Siihuhalssonar, ch. 2; Orkneyinga Saga, ch. 13, etc.; War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill (Rolls Series), p. 151 ff. ; Annals of Loch Ce (Rolls Series), p. 3 ff., etc.
^ Cf. however the JVar of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 157. There is nothing irreconcilable in the two accounts.
* War of the Gaedhil ivith the Gaill, p. 176 ff.
112 THE DARRADARLJOD
Plait, son of the King of 'Lochlainn,' and 'a brave champion of the foreigners' (i.e. the Norsemen), had challenged Domh- nall, a warrior on Brian's side, the night before the battle ; and now he stepped forward in front of the Irish host crying three times "Faras Domhnall?"(5'va?' es, 'where is,' Domhnall ?) Domhnall answered and said " Sund, a snithing " (Here, O nidingr, 'wretch') !
' They fought then, and each of them endeavoured to slaughter the other; and they fell by each other, and the way that they fell was, with the sword of each through the heart of the other ; and the hair of each in the clinched hands of the other. And the combat of that pair was the first [of the battle].'
Then the hosts came together and a tremendous fight took place, lasting from sunrise to sunset, from tide to tide^
'And each party of them remembered their ancient ani- mosities towards each other, and each party of them attacked the other. And it will be one of the wonders of the day of judgment to relate the description of this tremendous onset^...It appeared to the people of Ath Cliath (Dublin) who were watching them from their battlements, that not more numerous would be the sheaves floating over a great company reaping a field of oats ; even though two or three battalions were working at it, than the hair flying with the wind from them, cut away by the heavy gleaming axes, and by bright flaming swords. Whereupon the son of Amhlaibh (i.e. King Sigtryggr), who was on the battlements of his tower, watching them said : " Well do the foreigners reap the field," said he ; "Many is the sheaf they let go from them^".'
The Irish annalist continues in words which recall passages of the Darradarljdd" {stTOiph.es 1, 9):
'There was a field, and a ditch, between us and them, and the sharp wind of the spring coming over them towards us ; and it Avas not longer than the time that a cow could be milked, or two cows, that we continued there, when not one person of the two hosts could recognize another... we were so
1 War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 191.
2 16., p. 175. 3 lb., p. 191.
THE DARRADARLJOD 113
covered, as well our heads as our faces, and our clothes, with the drops of gory blood, carried by the force of the sharp cold wind which passed over them to us. And even if we attempted to perform any deed of valour we were unable to do it, because our spears over our heads had become clogged and bound with long locks of hair, which the wind forced upon us, when cut away by well-aimed swords, and gleaming axes ; so that it was half occupation to us to endeavour to disentangle, and cast them otf. And it is one of the problems of Erinn, whether the valour of those who sustained that crushing assault was greater than ours who bore the sight of it without running distracted before the winds or fainting^'
There fell Earl SigurSr of Orkney defending the famous raven banner^ and there fell Murchadh, eldest son of King Brian, and a countless host of men on either hand.
According to Njdls Saga King Sigtryggr commanded one wing of the host; but the Irish annals are unanimous in declaring that he watched the battle with his wife from the fortifications of Dublin, and this is no doubt correct. Even his troops were apparently not engaged ; for the Irish are said to have forborne from attacking Dublin through fear that Sigtryggr's men would come out and attack theml
According to the Irish chronicle^ King Brian was kneeling on a cushion with his psalter, 'for he would not fight on a holy day^' His end is told with characteristic picturesqueness by the Irish annalist. After a watch kept by Brian's attendant which vividly recalls the watch kept by Sister Anne in the Bluebeard story, BroSir was seen approaching with two attendants.
' One of the three who were there, and who had been in Brian's service, said "Cing, cing," said he, " this is the king." "No, no, but priest, priest," said Br6t5ir. "It is not he but a noble priest." " By no means," said the soldier, "that is the
' War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 183.
- For further details, cf. str. 6 below, note. Cf. also Njdls Saga, ch. 157 ; Thorsteius Saga Sidukalssonar, ch. 2. 3 War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 209. Cf. also p. 211. •• lb. p. 197. * Cf. hyds Saga, ch. 157.
114 THE DARRADARLJOD
great king Brian." ' Then BrotJir turned aside and slew King Brian and was afterwards slain himself ^
This great battle which was regarded by bards and annalists alike as one of the greatest in Irish history^ was the occasion of many poems which are scattered up and down the Irish annals ^ and elsewhere ^ It is said in both the Norse and Irish authorities to have been accompanied by strange visions and portents ^ One of these visions is thus described in Njdls Saga (ch. 156) :
' On the morning of Good Friday the following event happened in Caithness. A man called DorruSr was out walking and saw twelve persons ride in a body to a dyngja^ where they all disappeared. He went to the dyngja and looked in through one of the windows and saw that there were women inside and they had set up a loom. Men's heads served for weights, men's entrails for the weft and warp, a sword for the "beater in" and an arrow for the hrxll. They sang the following verses.'
At this point the saga inserts the poem Darra(^arlj6&, after which it continues as follows :
'Then they pulled down the web and tore it asunder, and each of them kept the part she had hold of. DorruSr now turned away from the window and went home. And they mounted their steeds, and rode six to the south and the other six to the north. Brandr, the son of Gneisti, had a similar vision in the Faroes,'
1 The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill and the Annals of Loch Ce are silent as to BrolSir's slayer. According to Njdls Saga he was slain by Ulfr the Quarrelsome ; according to Thorsteins Saga Sid'uhalssonar, ch. 2, by Ospakr his own brother.
2 It is the climax to which the War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill works up and with which the work abruptly closes. It is also the opening entry and the starting-point of the Annals of Loch Cd. Its importance however is literary rather than historical. Sigtryggr continued to reign over Dublin for many years.
^ War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, pp. 205, 207 ; Keating's History of Ireland (Ir. Text Soc), Vol. ni, Section xxv, p. 277.
4 Cf. Njdls Saga, ch. 157.
5 Cf. the War of the Gaedhil ivith the Gaill, p. 173 ; Thorsteins Saga Siif'uhalssonar, ch. 2; Annals of Loch Ce, pp. 7 — 11.
« Dyngja, generally used in Iceland for the ladies" bower. Originally it would seem to have meant a room for weaving, as a rule partly or wholly underground ; cf. early German dung (tunc), textrina.
THE DARRAt)ARLJ6» 116
It is o^iMierally ao^reeii that ' DiirniLir' is a myth and owes his existence to the expression vefr darrafSar in str. 4, An easier explanation would be provided by the name of the poem Darradm'ljiUy as suggested by Munch', if this was current when the stoiy was written down ; but none of the Mss. give a title to the poem. It is worth noting that the expression ve/r darraiSar occurs in Egill Skallagrimsson's Hofudlausn (str. 5) which is said to have been composed in 936. Accord- ing to F. Jdnsson- DarraSr ('Dorro|7r ') is a name of Othin ; but other scholars take the expression to mean ' web of the spear.'
Of the date and authorship of the poem